06 June 2013

University in Shillong Suspected in Fake PhDs Scam

Shillong, Jun 6 : Police are investigating an Indian university suspected of issuing fake PhDs after it awarded more than 400 doctorates in a single year, officers said Wednesday.

Police have arrested four senior officials from CMJ University in the northeastern state of Meghalaya on suspicion of fraud and forgery and are hunting for the chancellor, who has fled.

"We are not sure about his whereabouts, as he keeps changing his location frequently," senior state police official Sunil Kumar Jain told AFP.

The private university, established in 2009 in the state capital Shillong, handed out 434 PhDs during the 2012-13 academic year despite its small faculty, arousing suspicions a
mong local officials who filed a police complaint.

A PhD at CMJ University takes between two to five years and costs 127,000 rupees ($2,250), according to its website.

"In good faith, the universities were given permission to operate, but some seem to have taken this for a ride and this is distressing," said Meghalaya chief minister Mukul Sangma.

Credentials fraud is a serious problem in India, fuelled by a huge demand for qualifications, endemic corruption and poor regulation of the ultra-competitive and fast-growing education sector.

In 2011 a racket in fake airline pilot licences was exposed, while in 2010 police arrested the head of the national body responsible for certifying medical qualifications for allegedly accepting a bribe.

The Times of India reported on Monday that PhDs from CMJ were on sale for between $4,000-10,000, with the amount paid determining how quickly the qualification would be granted.

SP Sharma, a lawyer for CMJ University chancellor Chandra Mohan Jha, accused the state administration of being "prejudiced" against the university.

Anguished CMJ students issued a deadline, set to expire Thursday, to the Meghalaya government to resolve the debacle and give them some clarity about their futures.
05 June 2013

Mizoram Pig Virus Detected in India For First Time

Aizawl, Jun 5 : For the first time in Mizoram and perhaps in the country, virus of a pandemic disease which causes reproductive failure in breeding stock and respiratory tract illness in young pigs has been detected in the samples of sick swines sent to laboratories for testing.

The samples of the sick swines were tested at the laboratories in the Veterinary College in Selesih, Mizoram and at ICAR Research Complex, Borapani in Meghalaya which detected the presence of 'artevirus', the virus that carries the disease porcine reproductive and respiratory syndrome (PRSS), Director of Animal Husbandry and Veterinary Dr L B Sailo said.

The PRRS has never been detected earlier in the state and the country but was prevalent in some Asian countries including neighbouring Myanmar with which the state shares 404-km-long border, he said.

Sailo added that tackling the full blown pandemic PRRS would be extremely tough as the vaccine was yet to be manufactured in India.

The samples were sent to the laboratories following the death of hundreds of swines in Mizoram during the past few months, state AH and Veterinary department officials said.

Following the detection of the PRRS virus, the current ban on import of pigs from Myanmar would be in place for a longer time in the state, Sailo said.

District Magistrates of Mizoram's districts adjoining Myanmar had issued prohibitory orders banning import of pigs in May last.

Repatriation Of Bru Refugees From Tripura Hangs in Balance

Aizawl/Agartala, Jun 5 : The repatriation of over 40,000 tribals, who took refuge in Tripura about 16 years ago after ethnic disturbances in Mizoram, has not been resumed, officials said.

Although the union home ministry had issued instructions to resume the repatriation of Reang tribal refugees from northern Tripura to western Mizoram this week, both Tripura as well Mizoram government officials have blamed each other for the delay.

“The repatriation would restart after the Tripura government communicates its preparedness to the Mizoram government,” Mizoram home department Joint Secretary Lalbiakzama told reporters in Aizawl Monday.

“When we approached the Tripura government officials in May, we were told that the conduct of identification of the refugees jointly by the officials of the two governments could not be taken up due to unconducive situation in the areas around the relief camps in northern Tripura,” Lalbiakzama added.

“We have nothing to do except to wait for response from the Tripura government,” he said.

However, Tripura government officials Tuesday denied Mizoram’s claim and said they were always ready to cooperate in repatriation of the Reang tribals, locally called Bru.

“Our officials are always ready to extend all kinds of cooperation and logistical helps to Mizoram officials to send back the tribal refugees to Mizoram,” North Tripura District Magistrate Prashanta Kumar Goel told IANS.

Goel said: “There were some problems due to the murder of a tribal youth near the refugee camps but it would not have hindered the repatriation process.”

In view of the growing ethnic troubles, the Tripura government has been telling the central government that the stay of tribal immigrants from Mizoram was causing troubles in the state.

Refugee leaders, however, have been insisting that without a formal agreement between the Mizora, Tripura and the union governments and tribal leaders, the rehabilitation of refugees will remain uncertain.

The issue was also discussed at the chief ministers’ meeting with union Home Minister Sushilkumar Shinde in New Delhi in April. The matter is expected to come up again at the chief ministers’ meeting on internal security in New Delhi Wednesday.

Tripura Chief Minister Manik Sarkar had told the meeting that the continuous presence for over 16 years of about 40,468 tribal refugees from Mizoram had been a matter of concern for his state.

“The long stay of the refugees in Tripura has its own socio-economic and law and order implications. The state government is providing necessary support for early repatriation of these families. However, the process has been extremely slow,” Sarkar had told IANS.

The refugees, lodged in camps in northern Tripura, 180 km north of Agartala, have sent several memoranda to the prime minister and union home minister besides organising protest rallies in support of their 18-point demands.

The Reang tribal refugees have taken shelter in six camps in Tripura’s Kanchanpur sub-division, adjacent to western Mizoram, since October 1997.

After continued persuasion by the Mizoram and union home ministry officials, around 4,500 refugees returned to their villages in 2010 and 2011. However, the process has been stalled after that.

The tribal refugees had fled their villages in Mizoram after ethnic clashes with the majority Mizos over the killing of a Mizo forest official 16 years ago.

Assam-Nagaland Border Still Tense, Forces Deployed

Guwahati, Jun 5 : The situation on the Assam-Nagaland border in Assam's Jorhat district continued to be tense Tuesday and forces were deployed after the killing of a labourer there Monday, an official said.

The man was killed at Naginijan area after suspected miscreants from the Nagaland side fired on a group of labourers.

Local groups, including the All Assam Tea Tribe Students Association (AATTSA), started an indefinite economic blockade Tuesday at three places along the Assam-Nagaland border in Jorhat, Sivsagar and Golaghat, protesting the killing.

The blockade left many Nagaland-bound trucks stranded on the Assam side.

The Assam government has deployed additional forces along the border in the area, particularly in Mariani area, to stop recurrence of similar incidents.

"There has been no fresh incident since yesterday (Monday). We have deployed additional forces in and around the area," said an official of Jorhat district.

The Assam government has announced an ex-gratia payment of Rs.5 lakh to the next of kin of Sanjay Bhumij, who was shot dead.

Assam Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi said the Nagaland government has assured the state government to book the culprits involved in the killing and that they would be handed over to Assam Police soon.

A delegation of Assam's opposition party Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) visited the Mariani area Tuesday and took stock of the situation.

The AGP, which protested outside the office of Jorhat deputy commissioner Tuesday, submitted a memorandum to Assam Governor J.B. Patnaik demanding an inquiry into the incident and punishment for the culprits.

Bling it! Super-extravagant Smartphones And Tablets

Got a million dollars to spare? Crave kicks off a series on the ultimate luxury entertainment with a look at some of the most opulent mobile tech around.
By Leslie Katz

Who said iPhones had to be affordable?
(Credit: Stuart Hughes)
Close your eyes and imagine money. Lots and lots of money. Stacks and stacks and bags and briefcases full of... oh, you get the picture.

Now, imagine you were to possess such vast sums of cash. What would you do with it? Update your antiquated wardrobe? Purchase a new home or 5? Bid on a space date with Leo DiCaprio? Write a check for a $15 million black-diamond iPhone? Yes, there is such a thing; you can find out more about it in the gallery below.
Over the weeks to come, we'll take a look at some of the most ultra-luxurious tech out there, starting with a few seriously blinged-out smartphones and tablets. Some of the grandiose gadgets you'll see in this week's collection might make you roll your eyes, while others might inspire you to pick up a few hundred extra hours at work.

Either way, put on your shades and get ready to stare into the face of some majorly bright and shiny gear. And be sure to check back on Crave every Tuesday for the next six weeks. We'll be bringing you lots more ultimate luxury entertainment in the form of lavish home theater setups, deluxe cars, and lots more. Now if you'll excuse us, our Lamborghini Egoista awaits.

Source: cnet.com

Are Ph.D's An Academic Dead Zone?

Why grads with a doctorate are more likely to be unemployed than master’s degree holders

By Charlie Gillis
Are Ph.D.s an academic dead zone?
Dominic Chan/CP
Two decades ago, if you sat at a dinner party next to someone with a Ph.D., chances were, those letters made an impact. You’d try to sound your smartest, asking about the person’s field of study, nodding sagely at the Coles Notes version he saved for such occasions. By dessert, you might have run out of $5 words, but you’d have done your best to keep up—a show of respect due to someone with a decade of university education.

These days, a doctorate is as likely to inspire pity as veneration. Universities are cutting back on tenure-track jobs. The federal government is laying off scientists. The economy, meanwhile, is skewing ever harder toward resource extraction, where the demand for highly specialized knowledge is limited. This confluence of forces is starting to show in the numbers: At last count, Ph.D. grads were more likely to be unemployed than master’s degree holders, while those with jobs enjoyed a median income only eight per cent higher than their master’s counterparts, at $65,000 per year. A good many of those were working in less-than-promising circumstances. One in three doctorate holders have jobs that didn’t require a Ph.D., while a 2007 survey of Ph.D.s working at Canadian universities found that only 12 per cent of those under the age of 35 held tenure or tenure-track positions, compared to 35 per cent in 1981.

The result has devalued a once-estimable badge of academic achievement—to the point that some observers worry Canada is becoming a dead zone in the advancement of human knowledge. “We have an intellectual climate where there’s not much respect for research,” says economist Mahmood Iqbal, a visiting professor at Carleton University and author of a 2012 book called No PhDs Please: This is Canada. “In the short and medium term, I don’t see much prospect of most people with Ph.D.s having a good living.” While demand for doctorates remains high in a select few disciplines, primarily engineering and business, prospects are bleak for practically everyone else, Iqbal notes. Just four per cent of those with graduate science degrees, for example, wind up in permanent academic research posts; less than half of one per cent become professors.


For students like 28-year-old Matthew Mazowita, the headwinds have come as a nasty surprise. Five years ago, the University of Alberta wooed him to do his doctorate in theoretical math, flying him from Ottawa to view the campus in Edmonton. Even in such a narrow academic field, Mazowita’s prospects of getting a professorship, or at least a postgraduate grant, seemed decent. Now, as he prepares to hand in the first draft of his dissertation, the largesse has dried up, he says, and so have the jobs. After the Alberta government slashed U of A’s funding in its recent budget by $43 million, department administrators warned graduate students that the sessional teaching positions many use to support themselves may not be there next autumn. “The situation is grim,” says Mazowita. “I’ve taken to using the word ‘dire.’ ”

Alberta’s cuts represent an extreme example of spending restraint seen across the country. Quebec is cutting $124 million in university spending over the next seven years; Nova Scotia has slashed its by three per cent. B.C., New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island have all frozen theirs until provincial finances improve, while Manitoba has sliced in half a planned five per cent increase. Yet the schools keep cranking out the doctorates—slightly fewer than 5,000 last year alone.

All of which would be less troubling if the private sector were putting the country’s best brains to work. Alas, Canadian businesses lag far behind other developed countries when it comes to funding research and development where people with highly specialized knowledge might seek jobs. A report by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) published last June showed that investment by Canadian businesses in R & D ranked 19th among the 34 OECD countries, at one per cent of national GDP, despite generous federal tax breaks. That sluggishness has a direct impact on Ph.D.s, says Iqbal, who quotes a Canadian friend with a doctorate who sought work in California: “Canada is cold—not just climatically, but also intellectually.”

Not everyone agrees. While tough economic times have been holding down university funding, Ph.D.s are doing relatively well compared to others in the labour market, says Herb O’Heron, director of research and policy analysis for the Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada. Their unemployment rate at last count was six per cent—more than one percentage point lower than the national average—and was even lower when only people who earned their doctorates in Canada were counted, he points out (though the most recent statistics date back to the 2006 census, before the economic downturn). “In the bigger picture, this is not a sea change from the past,” he says. “It’s always been extremely competitive to get a tenured position in academe. If it’s harder than it was before, it’s only a wee bit harder.” Ironically, universities need more Ph.D.s than ever: Enrolment reached a record 1.2 million students in 2011, while the institutions are actively recruiting foreign students able to pay a premium in tuition.

Sadly for many doctorate holders, that demand doesn’t translate to job security. To meet the growing demand for professors, universities increasingly rely on sessional lecturers—essentially, Ph.D.s on contract—who toil in hope of winning tenure-track jobs. Instead, many get stuck in a state of chronic underemployment that seems unworthy of the extra five or six years they spent striving for their academic brass ring. “I look back to when I first started my Ph.D., and I think I was incredibly naive,” says Jeffrey Bercuson, a political science Ph.D. who lectures at the University of Toronto. “As of this moment, I don’t know with any meaningful certainty whether I’ll have employment in September. I’m 30 years old and I’m anxious to become a respectable adult.” To that end, he scours job postings at institutions across North America, wondering whether his ticket to security will ever materialize—and whether the three letters that qualify him for it are all they’re cracked up to be.

Source: macleans.ca

If Companies Had Realistic Slogans

This great Reddit post has gotten over 16,000 comments. So we took our favorites and made logos out of them.

1.
Brilliant.
Before coming to work at BuzzFeed, I was an ad copywriter for 20 years.
I wrote thousands of taglines in that time (scant few good ones, none that you know).
After reading through all the comments on this Reddit post, I picked out my favorites.
But there were many other good ones.

Either there are a lot of ad veteran redditors, or there are a lot of redditors who could get good jobs in advertising, if they wanted to.
Enjoy their creativity.

2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Acronym fun.
8.
9.
Perfect.

10.
11.
This is my favorite, I think.

12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
Reference, if you don’t understand it.

17.
18.
19.
Honorable mention: “Probably Money Laundering”

What the Heck Is Happening in Turkey? A FAQ for the Rest of Us

By Josh Voorhees
169825360


Protesters clash with riot police near Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan office, between Taksim and Besiktas in Istanbul, on June 3, 2013, during a demonstration against the demolition of the park Photo by Gurcan Ozturk/AFP/Getty Images

What began Friday as a small environmental rally protesting plans to tear down a six-square-block city park has ballooned into what by nearly all accounts is the largest and most-direct challenge to Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's regime since he came to power more than a decade ago. On Monday, the demonstrations entered their fourth day, with thousands of people gathering in Istanbul's landmark Taksim Square to protest what they contend is Erdoğan's ever-increasing authoritarianism. Erdoğan, meanwhile, has attempted to dismiss the demonstrations as the work of a vocal anti-Islam minority who have continually worked to derail his efforts to boost the Middle Eastern nation's financial fortunes.

For those unfamiliar with the Turkish backstory—which, let's be honest here, is most of us—here's your cheat sheet to help you get up to speed. You'll find some links to more-detailed reading at the bottom, but in the meantime we'll paint largely with broad strokes for the sake of simplicity to get you started.

Who's doing the protesting?
It's a rather large group—most estimates peg the total in the "tens of thousands"—so it's a little difficult to lump them all under any headline more specific than "protesters." But the majority of those who have taken to the streets largely appear to be urban, secular Turks who, in the words of the Associated Press, are "frustrated by what they see as Erdoğan's close ties to development interests and his alleged attempts to force his religious outlook on them."

The prime minister, meanwhile, has focused on the latter half of that description while largely ignoring the former. As Reuters reported, Erdoğan on Monday blamed the widespread demonstrations on his secularist enemies who he says are out of step with the mandate of his political party, which has its roots in the nation's old Islamist parties that were banned in the past. "This is a protest organized by extremist elements," he said at a news conference before departing on a trip to North Africa. "We will not give away anything to those who live arm-in-arm with terrorism."

What are they protesting?
A relatively small group of protesters last week gathered at Istanbul's Gezi Park—what Foreign Policy's describes as "an underwhelming patch of green space close to Taksim Square"—to protest plans to raze the green space to make way for a shopping center. The protest started as a peaceful sit-in, but quickly exploded into much more after police launched a pre-dawn raid Friday that involved tear gas and water cannons. The large-scale demonstrations that followed appear to be as much in response to that violent crackdown on a peaceful display of dissent as they are about underlying tensions that have long simmered in the region but are only now beginning to boil over.

For Erdoğan's critics, the reaction to the park protest was a perfect microcosim for what they see as Erdoğan's overreaching, opposition-quashing government. As the New York Times explains, the small fight over urban spaces—the park in question is the last green space in downtown Istanbul—is part of a larger one over Turkish identity. "The swiftly changing physical landscape of Istanbul symbolizes the competing themes that undergird modern Turkey—Islam versus secularism, rural versus urban," the paper writes. "They highlight a booming economy and a self-confidence expressed by the religiously conservative ruling elite that belies the post-empire gloom that permeates the novels of Istanbul by Orhan Pamuk, Turkey’s Nobel laureate and most famous writer."


So, is Erdoğan a dictator?

That's a hard case to make. Turkey has a relatively stable democracy and Erdoğan has enjoyed the support of an almost-majority of voters in recent years. Erdoğan won his last two elections with 47 percent and 49.95 percent of the popular vote, the only two times in nearly two decades that any party had earned more than 45 percent of the vote in a parliamentary election. Based on those vote totals, Erdoğan's backers say he has the closet thing to a political mandate that anyone has seen in Turkey in decades.

His time in office, however, has been marked by widespread changes that have alienated some of the nation's old powers who thrived in a more secular Turkey. Perhaps most notably, Erdoğan has placed the military under civilian control, and broken down old rules to allow for wider public expression of religion, something that had been barred under previous secular governments. Those on the left, meanwhile, are largely more tolerant of Islam's increasing influence in the country, but instead take issue with Erdoğan's forceful leadership style that allows little room for opposing views.


Whose side is the United States on?
Somewhere in the middle but, at the moment at least, leaning toward the side of the status quo. At a White House briefing on Monday, Jay Carney voiced concern about the reports of a violent crackdown on the protests but said that the United States would continue to work with the Turkish government. "Turkey is a very important ally," Carney said. "All democracies have issues that they need to work through. And we would expect the government to work through this in a way that respects the rights of their citizens." Making things that much more uncomfortable for the White House is the fact that Turkey represents not only a relatively stable ally in an unstable region, but one that Obama trumpeted as a "model ally" in recent years, a view that was relatively widespread. That perception, however, is now up for debate as Erdoğan's forces fire tear gas and water cannons at its own people.


What happens next?

While the Arab Spring may have conditioned many in the West to assume that wide-scale protest in the Middle East will lead directly to regime change, that appears to be a long shot in Turkey. As the AP explains: "Erdoğan is unlikely to fall." Still, the massive protests have the potential to serve as a turning point for Turkey in general and Erdoğan's moderate Islamist government in specific. The prime minister, long one of the more powerful men in the region, is set to leave office next year thanks to the current term limit. But it's no secret that he doesn't plan to ease into retirement. Most observers expect him to shift his attention to challenge current Turkish President Abdullah Gul, who has been much more sympathetic to the protesters.