31 May 2012

Anonymous Blocks Mizoram Govt Websites

Provides link to original unaltered sites as well, exhorts Indians to join 9th June protest.


Continuing in its new quest to take the protest against India's web-censorship to the streets, Anonymous has now blocked several websites belonging to the government of Mizoram.

The hacktivist has put up its own page when you visit these sites, clarifying that it means no harm.

To make its harmless intentions clear, the group has also provided links to the original index page for those who want to access these websites.

These include the state's Prison, Land Revenue and Settlement, and Police departments, among others.  A list of a few more of the defaced websites can be accessed here.

The group wants people of the North-Eastern states to "wake up" and join the rest of the country in protest against the national government's policy of blocking websites it deems unsuitable.

We had earlier carried a report about the planned protests to be held at various cities across the country.

Will you be joining the peaceful protests, or will you support the Talibanisation of the internet? The choice is yours.

Samsung Galaxy S III To Hit Indian Stores

p1.jpg New Delhi, May 30 : Samsung launched its top-of-the-line smartphone Galaxy S III in Europe on Tuesday, hoping to do even better than its previous model and take the game further away from Apple.

Due to be launched in India on Wednesday, the Galaxy S III has garnered upwards of 9 million pre-orders worldwide (the iPhone 4S managed about 4 million), and this kind of pre-launch buzz was never seen from a non-Apple device.

What's even more interesting is that the Korean company is ready to take on Apple at its own game, including the hype that surrounds a launch.

Having become the world's largest mobile phone manufacturer (by unit sales) in April this year, Samsung is now ready to have another go at Apple, which is still by far the more profitable.

Samsung plans to use Galaxy S III to win over customers from the iPhone camp. The S III whips the iPhone 4S on specs and may even have a leg-up on the yet to be launched iPhone 5.

According to the Daily Mail, Trusted Reviews concluded "the S3 is light years ahead of Apple's profitable darling".

But Apple loyalists are quick to point out that it's never been about the hardware specifications, but more about the experience and intuitiveness of the platform. While that may be true, it seems that Samsung is sparing no effort to improve its overall user experience as well.

The Galaxy III provides a natural, ergonomic shape, a dazzling 4.8-inch super AMOLED screen and a great camera.

It also brings some firsts into the smartphone arena: a screen that stays on as long as you keep looking at it, wireless charging, HD video playback in a small screen while you do other tasks and automatic calling of a contact when you hold it to your ear.

The reviews and first impressions that are pouring in so far are quite ecstatic. CNET calls the Galaxy S III "the Ferrari of android phones", one that's "pretty much unrivalled in the speed and power stakes right now".

Matt Warman, The Telegraph's (UK) consumer technology editor, praised the S III by calling it the first phone where he almost forgot that he was actually using a phone and not a full-fledged computer.

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/photo/13650382.cms

Prominent gadget blog Engadget says that "the power and storage-hungry Android user simply cannot go wrong with this purchase". Slashgear calls the S III "one of the best performing, most usable Android devices around, if not the best".

On Wednesday, we'll have more details on the device, including the final price (expected to be in the range of 36,000-38,000) and store availability.

Students Of Northeast Demand Special Constitutional Status

Guwahati, May 31 : Demanding a special constitutional status for the northeastern states, almost all students' bodies in the region will jointly launch a massive agitation June 7, an official said here Wednesday.

This is for the first time that all the student bodies from the seven northeastern states will hold a joint agitation under the banner of North East Students' Organization (NESO).

"We held the general council meeting of the NESO and decided to launch a massive joint agitation demanding fulfilment of various demands of each organization. Our primary demand is a special constitutional status for the people of northeast India with rights over land and resources," said NESO adviser Samujjal Bhattacharjya.

"The first phase of the agitation will be held June 7 in Guwahati - which is the gateway to the northeast. All the leaders of these students' bodies will converge in Guwahati to make the agitation programme successful," he said.

Bhattacharjya, however, did not specify on the line or form of agitation but said that it would be a united protest of the NESO and that it can be of any form.

"The northeastern region has huge natural resources. But the people of all the states in the northeast have been suffering political injustice since 1947. The large-scale infiltration from neighbouring countries has even changed the demographic pattern of these states. A special constitutional status with rights over land and resources is the only solution to save the northeastern states," he said, adding that NESO decided to launch the joint agitation as individual agitations by each organization in the past had failed to yield any result.

NESO secretary general Gumjum Haider said the first phase of agitation June 7 is a warning to the central government.

"On June 7, we are going to fix a date for the second phase of the agitation during which we are going to demonstrate in front of the Raj Bhavans in each state of the region," Haider said, adding that the agitation would continue until the demands are met.

The other demands raised by the students' bodies include the issue of stapled visa to the people of Arunachal Pradesh by China, withdrawal of Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), the alleged atrocities on northeastern students and other communities in New Delhi, Bangalore and other cities, large-scale infiltration from neighbouring countries like Bangladesh, and inter-state boundary problems, among others.
30 May 2012

LPG Crisis Hits Barak, Mizoram

Aizawl, May 30 : An acute scarcity of cooking gas cylinders since March this year, in both Mizoram and Assam’s Barak valley districts has inconvenienced lakhs of consumers.

As a result, black marketeering is on the rise, with consumers forced to buy cylinders at prices ranging between Rs 1,500 and Rs 2,000 apiece.

The 17 LPG distributors in the three Barak valley districts of Cachar, Karimganj and Hailakandi, are being flooded with demands from the 1,23,600-odd consumers.

But according to Sanjoy Das Purakayastha, owner of an IOC agency, the 17 distributors have been able to procure only 52,038 cylinders against the demand for 1,40,000.

Last week, an NGO in Cachar district, Grahak Suraksha Samity gheraoed the IOC’s area officer Lalit Kumar Doley for an hour, protesting against the “unprecedented scarcity” of cooking gas in the Barak valley districts.

The scene is no different in adjoining Mizoram, where the availability of LPG cylinders from the Mualkhang bottling plant has touched rock bottom.

Chief minister Lalthan-hawla has expressed concern at the dwindling supply of cylinders and asked the civil supplies department to keep a close vigil on hotels and eateries in Mizoram to ensure they only use commercial cooking gas cylinders.

According to Mizoram food and civil supplies minister H. Rohluna, only 1,200 gas cylinders reached the state last month, against the present monthly demand of about 2,000 cylinders.

The minister had to rush to Guwahati along with state civil supplies secretary M. Zohingthangi last week to talk to senior officials of the four main suppliers of cooking gas- IOC refineries in Guwahati and Duliajan, Assam Oil refinery in Digboi and Numaligarh Refinery Limited (NRL).

Rohluna said no immediate solution to end the shortage had emerged, despite his meeting with the officials.

A senior IOC official here said the crisis has been fuelled by “unavoidable technical flaws” at the IOC plants early this year, causing shutdown of the units in Guwahati and Duliajan.

He said a fire had damaged the Numaligarh plant in April, crippling its operation. The refinery is the biggest supplier of cylinders. Moreover, he said the gas bottling plant at Borkhola block of IOC had been calling back old cylinders for testing and were taking time in putting around 19,000 cylinders back into circulation, which added to the crisis.
29 May 2012

John Terry in Indian Cigarette Packs


Current warning on a cigarette pack


Headless torso to replace Terry’s photo on cigarette packs


By Teena Thacker

A headless torso with a diseased lung will soon replace a controversial blurred image that resembled English footballer John Terry as the pictorial warning on cigarette packs.

The new photo has been used in Thailand and is likely to be notified soon by the Union health ministry.
“We have taken the photo from the common sharing code. There is no copyright issue here and we have been communicated that Thailand is agreeable to us using the same photo.

“The non-specific photo having same colour scheme and design as one used by Thailand will be soon notified. The preparatory work is going on,” said a senior official in the ministry.

While, the Thailand’s photo will be a replacement to the controversial 'John Terry look-alike' picture, the ministry is also mulling over more photos to give wider choice to the manufacturers.

The ministry will soon finalise on the photographs sent by the Directorate of Advertising and Visual Publicity (DAVP).

The health department had written to the DAVP seeking more options in photographs for the tobacco manufacturers with a mandate that pictures should be 'general'.

The ministry was caught in trouble after Terry’s manager had threatened to sue the government over the alleged resemblance of the photograph with the footballer. The picture that had an uncanny resemblance to the Chelsea captain, Terry, was circulated in May last year to be used on tobacco packets marketed after December.

While, the health ministry officials maintained that the existing picture was a mere sketch and did not relate to any person living or dead, the decision to change the picture was taken last month after the law ministry’s advice.

In their recommendation, the law ministry had said that the individual's picture need not be put and instead the message to the masses about the injurious affects of smoking should not be diluted.

The photos were changed last year from mild to harsh after a survey had suggested that the existing warnings were not proving to be effective.

Let's Stop Pretending There's No Racism in India

By Yengkhom Jilangamba
INSENSITIVE MAINLAND: Students from the north-east protesting instances of discrimination. Photo: V.V. Krishnan
INSENSITIVE MAINLAND: Students from the north-east protesting instances of discrimination. Photo: V.V. Krishnan
Most Indians think racism exists only in the West and see themselves as victims. It's time they examined their own attitudes towards people from the country's North-East

The mysterious death of Loitam Richard in Bangalore, the murder of Ramchanphy Hongray in New Delhi, the suicide by Dana Sangma and other such incidents serve as reminders of the insecure conditions under which people, particularly the young, from the north-east of India have to live with in the metros of this country. What these deaths have in common is that the three individuals were all from a certain part of the country, had a “particular” physical appearance, and were seen as outsiders in the places they died. These incidents have been read as a symptom of the pervasive racial discrimination that people from the region face in metropolitan India.
An institutionalised form
Quite expectedly, such an assertion about the existence of racism in India will not be taken seriously; the response will be to either remain silent and refuse to acknowledge this form of racism or, fiercely, to reject it. Ironically, most Indians see racism as a phenomenon that exists in other countries, particularly in the West, and without fail, see themselves as victims. They do not see themselves harbouring (potentially) racist attitudes and behaviour towards others whom they see as inferior.
But time and again, various groups of people, particularly from the north-east have experienced forms of racial discrimination and highlighted the practice of racism in India. In fact, institutionalised racism has been as much on the rise as cases of everyday racism in society.
In a case of racial profiling, the University of Hyderabad chose to launch its 2011 “initiative” to curb drinking and drug use on campus by working with students from the north-east. In 2007, the Delhi Police decided to solve the problems of security faced by the north-easterners in Delhi, particularly women, by coming up with a booklet entitled Security Tips for North East Students asking north-eastern women not to wear “revealing dresses” and gave kitchen tips on preparing bamboo shoot, akhuni, and “other smelly dishes” without “creating ruckus in neighbourhood.”
BRICS summit
Very recently, in the run-up to the BRICS summit in New Delhi, the Delhi Police's motto of “citizens first” was on full display, when they arrested or put under preventive detention the non-citizens — the Tibetan refugees. But the real problem for the security personnel cropped up when they had to identity Tibetans on the streets of Delhi. This problem for the state forces was compounded by the fact that Delhi now has a substantial migrant population from the north-east whose physical features could be quite similar to those of Tibetans. So, the forces went about raiding random places in Delhi, questioning and detaining people from the region. North-eastern individuals travelling in vehicles, public transport, others at their workplaces, and so on all became suspects.
Many were asked to produce their passports or other documents to prove that, indeed, they were Indian citizens and not refugee Tibetans. In some cases, “authentic” Indians had to intervene in order to endorse and become guarantors of the authenticity of the nationality of these north-easterners. The situation became farcical and caught the attention of the judiciary reportedly after two lawyers from the region were interrogated and harassed. The Delhi High Court directed the Delhi police not to harass people from the north-east and Ladakh. How much easier it would have been for the Delhi Police, if only citizenship and physiognomy matched perfectly.
But should one expect otherwise from these state and public institutions, given the fact that racism is rampant at the level of societal everyday experiences? For north-easterners who look in a particular manner, everyday living in Indian cities can be a gruelling experience. Be it the mundane overcharging of fares by autoricksaw-wallahs, shopkeepers and landlords, the verbal abuse on the streets and the snide remarks of colleagues, friends, teachers, or the more extreme experiences of physical and sexual assaults. It is often a never-ending nightmare, a chronicle of repetitive experience.
One also wonders if racial attitudes, if not outright racism, influence many more aspects of life than one imagines. For instance, whether there is any racial profiling of employment opportunities, given the concentration of jobs for north-easterners mostly in the hospitality sector, young women in beauty salons, restaurants and as shop assistants.
Visible and unseen
Of course, racism is difficult to prove — whether in the death of Richard or in the case of harassment of a woman from the north-east. And it should not surprise us if racism cannot be clearly established in either of these cases because that's how racism works — both the visible, explicit manifestations as well as the insidious, unseen machinations. Quite often, one can't even recount exactly what was wrong about the way in which a co-passenger behaved, difficult to articulate a sneer, a tone of voice that threatened or taunted, the cultural connotations that can infuriate.
How does one prove that when an autorickshaw driver asks a north-easterner on the streets of Delhi if he or she is going to Majnu ka Tila, a Tibetan refugee colony, that the former is reproducing a common practice of racial profiling? This remark could be doubly interpreted if made to a woman from the region — both racial and gendered. How do I prove racism when a young co-passenger on the Delhi Metro plays “Chinese” sounding music on his mobile, telling his friend that he is providing, “background music,” sneering and laughing in my direction? And what one cannot retell in the language of evidence, becomes difficult to prove. Racism is most often felt, perceived, like an invisible wound, difficult to articulate or recall in the language of the law or evidence. In that sense, everyday forms of racism are more experiential rather than an objectively identifiable situation.
Of course, every once in a while, there will be an incident of extreme, outrageous violence that is transparently racial in nature and we will rally around and voice our anger but it is these insidious, everyday forms of racial discrimination that bruise the body and the mind, build up anger and frustration. Fighting these everyday humiliations exhausts our attempts at expression.
If one is serious about fighting racial discrimination, this is where rules must change — by proving to us that in Richard's death there was no element of racism. Given the pervasiveness of racism in everyday life, why should we listen when we are told that those who fought with him over a TV remote were immune to it?
To recognise that racism exists in this country and that many unintended actions might emanate from racism can be a good place to start fighting the problem. To be oblivious of these issues or to deny its existence is to be complicit in the discriminatory regime. Also, the reason for fighting against racism is not because it is practised against “our” own citizens but because it is wrong regardless of whether the victims of racism are citizens of the country or not. One way to be critical of racism is to recognise and make visible the presence of racism rather than merely resorting to legalistic means to curb this discrimination.
(Yengkhom Jilangamba is a Visiting Associate Fellow at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Delhi.)

Assam MLA Marries Facebook Friend, Embraces Islam

Guwahati, May 29 : The controversial second marriage of Assam Congress MLA from Borkhola Dr Rumi Nath and her bold conversion to Islam before marrying her Facebook friend has sparked a communal tension in Guwahati.

The Borkhola MLA made headlines after her first husband Rakesh Kumar Singh lodged a police complaint alleging that Rumi was kidnapped from Silchar Medical College and Hospital where she had gone for a medical check-up recently.

However, it was later reported that Nath had willingly eloped with her Facebook friend Jackie Zakir and converted to Islam before marrying him.

Adding an interesting twist to the story, the MLA herself admitted before newsmen on Tuesday that she had entered into wedlock for the second time on April 13 this year with 27-year-old Zakir Hussain alias Jackie.

Zakir Hussain is a resident of Badarpur and works as a clerk in Mohakol Block in Karimganj district.

During the press briefing, she told reporters that she was married in accordance with the Islamic tradition and her new name after conversion to Islamism was Rebia Sultana.

"I want to clarify that I was not under any compulsion to convert to Islam and marry my friend Zakir. I am staying willingly with my husband Zakir. Our minister Siddique Ji arranged the two qazis, Qazi Usman Ali and Qazi Nazrul Islam for the marriage. I want to thank him for his help. I have not married under any compulsion,” she said.

When quizzed about her reported disappearance, she said that she has gone out of the state with her new husband for few days.

Unable to believe the rumours of her wife’s second marriage, Rakesh Kumar Singh alleged that his wife has been held hostage by a gang of criminals, who have pressurized her to admit before newsmen that she has converted to Islam and married for a second time.

Interestingly, the MLA has also earlier rubbished reports about her rumoured second marriage by saying that she was the victim of infighting in the Congress, and all the rumours were the handiwork of a section of her political rivals.

The controversial 32-year old MLA had disappeared on May 13 from the hospital and resurfaced after a few hours, claiming that she had converted to Islam in order to marry Zakir.

Meanwhile, Zakir's father Faizur Rahman, a former police officer, made it clear that his family would never accept Rumi as their daughter-in-law.

Rahman has also lodged an FIR in Badarpur Police Station about his son’s disappearance.

Rumi has a two-year old daughter, Ritambhara, from her first marriage with Rakesh Singh.

Rumi’s reported marriage with Zakir has cause widespread outrage among the Hindu community in Silchar.

Considering the sensitivity of the matter, CRPF troops have been deployed in and around Silchar to thwart any attempt at communal violence because of this conversion.

Gairik Bharat, a saffron outfit, burnt her the effigy to protest the conversion. Other Hindu organizations are also planning protests over this inner-community marriage.

If sources are to be believed, an influential Assam Minister Siddique Ahmad played a key role in Rumi Nath’s nikah with Zakir. The minister also arranged for two qazis to conduct the Islamic wedding.

Rumi met Zakir in the Facebook, and their friendship grew deeper through chatting, and finally they decided to get married.
28 May 2012

Mizoram 'NO' To Autonomous District Council

Aizawl, May 28 : Mizoram home minister R Lalzirliana has reiterated that there would be no more creation of autonomous district council at the expense of Mizoram's territorial integrity.

"The Mizoram government would not support any demand for autonomous district council. I would like to make it crystal clear that the state government will not create any autonomous district council anywhere in Mizoram," Lalzirliana said while addressing a public meeting at Keifang on Saturday.

Expressing his deep regret over the misunderstanding between the Young Mizo Association (YMA) and the militants' outfit Hmar People's Convention-Democratic (HPC-D), Lalzirliana said, "YMA is the umbrella organisation that embraces the Mizos, irrespective of political ideologies and religious beliefs.

It is really unfortunate that a certain organisation has imposed a ban on the YMA. It shocks the Mizoram government and the Mizos."

Saying that the people's security if the government's policy, the home minister appealed the public to denounce the use of violence and threat that jeopardise the harmonious co-existence of different tribes in Mizoram.

Meanwhile, the central committee of Young Mizo Association has made an appeal to militants' group Hmar People's Convention-Democratic (HPC-D) to lift its ban on the YMA within the HPC-D's demanded area.

The HPC-D on April 17 served a diktat to the leaders of all YMA branches under the HPC-D's demanded area to resign before April 25, in a sharp reaction to the central YMA president's alleged remarks against the HPC-D's demand for Hmar autonomy carved out of large part of north and northeastern Mizoram.

Bowing to the militants' threat, majority of the YMA branches leaders resigned.

This was the first of its kind in the history of the state's largest and most influential organisation YMA, founded by English missionaries in 1935 as a substitute to Zawlbuk, the pre-Christian Mizos' social institution.