23 February 2015

Mizoram Schools To Begin Classes Early, MSU Protest

Aizawl, Feb 23 : Schools across Mizoram will begin classes at 8 a.m. from the next academic session beginning April to avail daylight savings, an official said here Saturday.

The classes used to earlier begin at 11 a.m.

“Starting classes from 8 a.m. in schools up to higher secondary level was decided at a cabinet meeting earlier this week. The meeting was chaired by the Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla,” a school education department official said.

The Mizo Students Federation (MSF) greeted the government decision while Mizo Students Union opposed it arguing that it would be too early for young students and would disturb the daily activities of not only young students but also the entire society.

The MSF in a statement expressed satisfaction over the government decision saying that the people in general and students in particular in Mizoram would wake up early and help avail daylight savings to perform both educational, sports, social, official and non-officials works.

The day breaks early in the northeast region with the sun normally up at least an hour to 90 minutes ahead of other parts in India.

There was a long pending demand in the northeast region to create a separate time zone to avail the scope of daylight savings.

Mizoram has around 5,500 primary and higher secondary schools with about 306,000 students.

MSU strongly opposes change in school timing


Even as the State Government Cabinet Meeting has approved the agenda of shifting school timing earlier than the present timing, Mizo Students’ Union has voiced its strong disapproval of the move for change in school timing, decided to be used from 2015–2016 School academic session.

As per the state government decision, the schools across the state would begin at 8 a.m. and ends by 1 p.m., 2 p.m., and 3 p.m. for Primary, Middle, and Secondary and Higher Secondary Schools respectively. The students’ body comes up with a press statement in which it stated that it is quite regretful that the Mizoram government has brought an abrupt change in the school timing without carrying out comprehensive study and without proper preparation.It mentioned in its statement that the origin of the idea behind shifting of school timing is not for improvement in education but to ease traffic problem in Aizawl; the first meeting in this regard was held on 2012 September 24 by Co ordination committee on traffic management.

“It is inappropriate that the people across Mizoram would suffer with the change in school timing just because of a move to ease traffic congestion in Aizawl. This is a big contempt of democracy”, MSU stated. It also quoted National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) National Curriculum Framework 2005 Chapter 5 which says ‘…the timings of school day could be decided at school level, in consultation with local panchayat”.

MSU also made the point that it would create big trouble in rural areas where students commute between their village and neighboring villages for schooling.

It also said that the present school timing is suitable to the climate of Mizoram such that it can be used throughout the year without any need to change in summer and winter too. MSU also said that the state government making a decision in disrespect of the opinion of parents of the students and in spite of knowing the fact that it would not help improve Mizoram education but create trouble to each family, is subjugation and downgrading of the people who elected them to power. It pointed out that even the result of survey conducted by School Education department also shows that 85% of parents of students across the state want the present school timing, adding, this shows that not only MSU but the people of Mizoram want to follow the present school timing, asking the government to take note of it.

Writing of its opinion, MSU said that the present school timing is good enough for the school children of today and in consideration of the present Mizo society and culture. Moreover, While in other states/countries, even for a little change in the system of education, an ‘expert committees’ are formed, bringing a change to school timing without comprehensive study and proper suggestions is really disheartening, MSU said.

The Big Picture: Mizoram gets into the spirit

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Liquor prohibited People queue up for application forms to get liquor cards at excise office in Aizawl.
By Adam Halliday
From bootleggers to Church, vigilantes to youths, and government to opposition, the battle lines are still drawn a week before prohibition ends and liquor sales begin in the state. The longest lines, however, are for permits to buy alcohol, finds Adam Halliday.

A middle-aged widow who has for years sold bootlegged rum at roughly twice the original price sat at a friend’s grocery shop in an Aizawl neighbourhood and contemplated if she should start a new line of business.

With total prohibition ending and liquor outlets set to open March 2 across Mizoram, she reckoned, bootlegged alcohol would be profitable no more, certainly not enough to feed her family, including a son and daughter and an infant grandson.

Every Sunday for the past two months, she has been running a small food stall on the pavement near her home. Two weeks ago, she also started hawking second-hand clothes near it.

She still bootlegs, of course, and every hour or so young men on motorcycles drive up to the main road near her basement dwelling to quickly pick up a bottle or two — McDowell’s No.1 rum from Meghalaya for Rs 500, that from Assam for Rs 400 (original price around Rs 150) — and stash it in their bags before zooming off.

Those convicted under new law doing community service as punishment. Those convicted under new law doing community service as punishment.
One night, as a group of four young men emerged from the steps leading down to the dwelling, a man sitting at a nearby shop grinned, “You guys willing to be frisked?”. The four smiled sheepishly, as one of them put a finger to his lips and said “Shhh!”.

The end of two decades of prohibition may be something to say cheers about for many in Mizoram, but not for the hundreds of bootleggers who eked out a living from it, including many women.

Equally vocal about their “dread” are thousands of parents, devoted Christians and community leaders, who fear the open availability of alcohol will do more harm than good.

Biaka Fanai, 18, is one of those not yet eligible to drink (the legal drinking age has been set at 21), but he foresees what’s in store for his peers. “For those who drink, it’s good because it’ll mean they will get booze cheaper. But it’s definitely going to make people my age drink heavily,” he warns.

Fanai explains why. “See, a lot of people my age are too proud to drink indigenous fermented rice beer, and anyway you need to drive down to the outskirts for that, and we usually don’t have vehicles of our own. A bottle of rum or whiskey is available for Rs 500 or more at some bootlegger’s place inside the city. But people my age are almost always broke. So if five guys want to share a bottle, they have to pool in about Rs 100 each. Once the outlets open, then the price will come to Rs 150 or Rs 200. So that’s just Rs 30 per head.”

What about the age limit? “Like that’s going to actually work,” he scoffs.
Upmarket Aijal Club that is the only one allowed to open a members-only bar. No permits have been issued yet to bars, only wine-shops. Upmarket Aijal Club that is the only one allowed to open a members-only bar. No permits have been issued yet to bars, only wine-shops.
It was just before the 2013 state elections that Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla spun the bottle. In a television talk show, he was asked bluntly by the interviewer if his government, if voted back to power, would lift prohibition. “We will review it keeping in mind what it has done for society,” he replied.

In the months that followed, more and more government leaders began talking about introducing a new law. Alcohol dominated conversations and debates through much of Mizoram.

The government argued that studies had shown that prohibition had failed completely and the number of people getting admitted in hospital due to alcohol-related causes had increased because of large-scale consumption of spurious liquor.

Come June 23, 2014, the Act was brought to the Assembly floor for a debate. On July 10, people across the state stayed glued to their television sets to watch live proceedings of one of the lengthiest debates on a single issue in recent memory, lasting almost seven hours.

Revellers at Chapchar Kut (the traditional Mizo festival that falls in March) sneaking a few pegs near the venue in Aizawl. Revellers at Chapchar Kut (the traditional Mizo festival that falls in March) sneaking a few pegs near the venue in Aizawl.
Finally, when a few minutes after 5 pm, the misleadingly titled Mizoram Liquor (Prohibition and Control) Bill was passed, one policeman on duty near the Assembly building shook hands with friends and said, “I don’t drink much, I hardly drink at all. But finally we will be able to get some good stuff when we do feel like it. It’s good.”

Soon the rules accompanying the new law were revealed. It would rely heavily on permits, including for buying alcohol, and also involve fines and jail terms for a number of offences. Liquor card holders would be allowed no more than six bottles of strong liquor and 10 each of beer and wine every month.

The punishment for breaking the law, varying from five days in jail to five years, would be longest for offences such as drink driving, causing ‘nuisance’ and drinking in public places — although magistrates have been provided amnesty powers to commute both fines and offences to community work.

Most importantly, the new law would empower citizens to arrest offenders provided they were handed over to police or excise and narcotics officials.

On January 15, the new law came into force, oddly more than one and a half months before liquor was slated to be legally available in the state and before any permit had been issued.

Since then, an estimated 40,000 people have applied for permits to have alcohol in the state.

The applicants admit the process is cumbersome, but add that they are just happy to finally be allowed to drink legally. They are required to submit a bank challan of Rs 520 each with their application forms, and once they have braved the bank queues for it, submit the same after lining up once more. The long wait for the liquor cards starts after that, with their distribution yet to start. Even withdrawal of the form invites a fee of Rs 20.

Doing the math, that’s roughly Rs 2 crore or more in government coffers already, just from the issue of permits, not a bad start given the government hopes to rake in Rs 30 crore every year from the restricted sale of alcohol. That amount would roughly equal the Excise Department’s entire earnings in fines from those who broke the law in the two decades of prohibition.

In addition, bonded warehouses that will bring in alcohol from outside and store it before it is sent to outlets have to pay Rs 1 lakh each per year to the government. There will be two such warehouses to begin with, and the contracts have gone to the family business of Cabinet minister Zodintluanga and the firm of former Congress minister S Hiato’s son.

The Cabinet minister incidentally had been the first one to support the new law during the Assembly debate.

The other major source of revenue for the government would be the licence fee collected from vendors, of Rs 50,000 each per annum. Only state PSUs (none of which has made profits in the recent past) and the ex-servicemen’s association are being allowed to run outlets, apart from the upmarket Aijal Club that has got permission to run a bar exclusively for members.

Every brand has to pay a fee to be allowed to be sold in the state. At least five liquor companies have already been approved to carry on operations.

For example, Pernod Ricard will pay the government Rs 10,000 per annum to sell its Seagram’s Royal Stag brand in Mizoram (where it is one of the most bootlegged whiskey brands), while it will have to pay an additional Rs 15,000 per year for the mono-carton each bottle comes in.

The Excise Commissionerate in Aizawl’s Tuikual locality is abuzz these days. On the top floor, a team of officials is busy applying the department’s official seal on thousands of freshly-printed, fake-leather-bound liquor cards. These are about the size of passports, containing pages where the date and number of bottles purchased are to be marked.

An official hurries down to the office of a senior colleague and asks where more seals can be found.
The senior official, who is showing guests some sample bottles by wine and whiskey makers who have applied for a licence to sell in Mizoram, looks up as he replies, “First floor. There’s a box there.”The junior official taps his heels in a salute and exits.

“We ordered 11 new seals just last week. They don’t last that long. There are just too many cards to mark with them,” the senior official, who doesn’t want to be named, quips as he flashes the business card of a manager at Pernod Ricard and flips it over to show the embedded signs of the various alcohol brands they manufacture and sell — a colourful ensemble on a small piece of paper.

“You will be like Bethlehem although you are a small department. You will be the source of much of the state’s finances,” Excise Minister R Lalzirliana told a gathering of excise officials in December, drawing on the Old Testament in reply to an officer batting for the workforce, currently at four-fifths the sanctioned strength, to be enhanced.

The government has steadfastly denied it covets liquor revenues, however, and the Excise Minister and other leaders have said on many other occasions that the government cares more for people suffering severe health problems because of consumption of spurious alcohol.

However, the Church and community-based organisations such as the Young Mizo Association are not convinced. The modern-day avatar of the traditional bachelor’s dormitory, the Young Mizo Association controlled pre-colonial Mizo society by enforcing a code of honour, and continues to have members in virtually every household.

Says Vanlalruata, general secretary of the Young Mizo Association, “It is our stand that total prohibition should stay, and we have and will continue to petition the government for it.”

Reverend Chuauthuama, one of the most vocal critics of the lifting of prohibition, fears the effect of drink. “It’s something I have written about many times, that as a society we are troubled by drink. Even in historical writings we find that drunkenness led to violence and fights, destroyed families and relationships and led to all kinds of social evils. It will be no different now.”

Even the ruling Congress didn’t have it too easy. The Cabinet tellingly backtracked once on discussing the new law before it was finally introduced in the House. With the party enjoying total majority in the Assembly, it was smooth sailing then on.

The opposition parties continue to object, and the Mizo National Front has called a bandh on February 25. Apart from the rise in prices of various government services, the protest is against lifting of prohibition. “Total prohibition is in the best interest of the state’s people,” says Leader of the Opposition Vanlalzawma.

Before the new Act was introduced, the Presbyterian Church’s top authority, the Mizoram Synod, had put up posters with slogans such as “It is more desirable to be poor without liquor revenue than to be rich with it” and “Wine makes fools of us, alcohol leads to violence”.

More than 50 per cent of Mizoram’s population, including Minister Lalzirliana, are members of the Presbyterian Church.

The Young Mizo Association issued statements advising the government to work towards strengthening prohibition, adding that it “wishes the battle against alcohol and drugs continues”.
In Mizoram, the struggle against liquor has been at the forefront of many an agitation. Volunteers from the Young Mizo Association and neighbourhood watch bodies calling themselves Joint Action Committees, and Village Defence Parties in villages, earlier carried out “checks” and destroyed bootlegs. In the latter half of the last decade, such vigilante action even claimed a few lives.

Police and excise officials continue to routinely arrest people for any of several listed offences and promptly produce them in court.

This past Wednesday, seven young men stood in the courtroom within the Aizawl District Court premises with their hands behind their backs as green-bereted excise officers sat chatting on wooden benches just outside.

As the judge read out each of the men’s names, they came forward and murmured replies to the questions asked of them. As one young man in a T-shirt, shorts and one missing sandal stepped up, an excise official stared at him and asked, “Where did you leave your sandal?”

The other men snickered as the man scratched his head and grinned sheepishly. The magistrate too chuckled under his breath as one of the other accused men mumbled, “I don’t think he remembers.”
“Do you have money to pay the fine?” the judge asked.

The young man shook his head ambivalently.

“Well, you’ll have to sweep then,” the judge said, and wrote down the sentence.

He then called out the names of two other men who were presumably arrested together.

“What about you? You have money to pay the fine?” the judge asked.
“Yes sir,” said one confidently.

The judge gestured to the excise official and wrote down the sentence as the men were led out.
Outside, a group of young women giggled as the duo emerged and one of them paid two Rs 1,000 notes to one of the seated excise officials.

As they all left, an official called after them, “Remember, you’re paying the government for drinking.” It provoked another round of laughs.

Inside, the judge finished sentencing the men.

Once all four of the men who were let off with a fine had left, the officer who had collected the money turned to three young men sitting in a corner.

“What happened to you? No money?”

The young men smiled embarrassedly.

“Well then, get ready to sweep. We have lots of places for you to sweep,” he said. The other officers laughed again.

As of today, in Aizawl district alone, 66 people have been arrested for drinking without permits, of whom 47 have been sentenced to three days each of community work, 14 let off with fines, and four others, who failed to turn up for community service, sent to a month in jail.

One morning last month, as office-goers made their way to work, three men in masks and caps earnestly went around cleaning up the milling campus of the Aizawl Civil Hospital, much to the delight of the administration.

One senior administrator looked at the men and asked the excise official overseeing their sentences, “I thought there were five. Where did two go?”

“They’re at the market. Cleaning up there,” the officer replied.

The administrator seemed pained the workforce had been split, but said it was still a blessing since there was always a shortage of sanitation staff at the hospital.

The men continued working, silently.

Law for race crimes in India: What does it look like?

Minister of state for Home, Kiren Rijiju reiterated what Home Minister Rajnath Singh said on a law specific to race crimes in India.

Rijiju assured that there would be a specific law in place against race crimes and this would ensure that the punishment too becomes more stringent.

Race crime Law: What does it look like?
The proposal is to add sections into the Indian Penal Code and also amend the Code of Criminal Procedure. The inclusion and amendment would be necessary to make race crimes more specific in nature so that even the police and the prosecution have greater power to deal with such cases.

Here is what the new law would look like:
The Home Ministry proposes to include a provision in Section 153 of the Indian Penal Code. Further a clause in Section 509 of the IPC will also be included.

Section 153 of the IPC reads- Wantonly giving provocation with intent to cause riot-if rioting be committed-if not committed.

Section 509 of the IPC reads- Word, gesture or act intended to insult the modesty of a woman.
Under the Indian Penal Code after the inclusion of the new laws, there would be two new sections- Sections 153 (C) and 509 (A).

The inclusion of provisions into these sections would broaden the scope. It would include the word racist, racism or racist remarks.

Protection against racism is guaranteed in the Indian Constitution. However in the Indian Penal Code there is nothing specific.

Once the sections are included into the IPC, the Code of Criminal Procedure would be amended.

Amending the Cr PC is necessary since there is a need to specify the procedure to try and prosecute racism related incidents in India.

The punishment being specified for a racism related incident would go up to five years and fine or both.

Committee recommendations on racism incidents:
Following a spate of attacks on students especially from the North East the Bezbaruah committee was set up.

While making several recommendations the committee proposed to add specific sections in the law to try such crimes.

The committee had taken into account the deposition by various people especially from the North East. They had told the committee that they are often abused with words such as momos, chinkis and Chinese.

Not specific to North East:
While the most racism related incidents have been reported against those from the North East, the new laws would be applicable for the entire country.

It is not a region specific law and would be applicable to incidents across the country. The law is also not specific to incidents against the people from North East only.

More reforms:
The government of India is also proposing to set up Fast Track Courts for speedy trials in cases relating to racism.

Apart from amending the law there is also a proposal to include the history of North East into the text books so as to make people more aware.

The introduction of a special legal cell to help the people affected by racial attacks and slurs would also be set up.
16 February 2015

Swine Flu Surveillance Stepped Up in Mizoram

Aizawl, Feb 16 : Mizoram stepped up surveillance in view of Swine flu (H1N1) cases detected and a number of people killed in some parts of the country, state health department officials today said. Dr Pachuau Lalmalsawma, Nodal Officer of the state Integrated Disease Surveillance Programme (IDSP) said that vigil has been maintained since last year and stepped up after the spread of the dreaded disease in Delhi and other states.

Passengers arriving at the lone Lengpui Airport near Aizawl, especially from high risk areas would be screened at the airport premises, Lalmalsawma said. Rapid Response Teams in all the other seven districts were also alerted to maintain strict vigil and also be prepared for any eventualities.

A special laboratory was arranged at the Aizawl Civil Hospital where samples could be collected and a reporting desk at the Emergency department of the hospital. It was also decided that the State Referral Hospital at Falkawn near Aizawl was being prepared to treat any case of H1N1 if any.

Northeast to develop in 10 years if insurgency wanes, says Rajnath

By Syed Sajjad Ali

Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh with BSF personnel at Khantlang in North Tripura district on Saturday.- Photo: PTI

Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh with BSF personnel at Khantlang in North Tripura district on Saturday.- Photo: PTI

The Union Government would develop the Northeastern region in 10 years if insurgency comes to an end, said Home Minister Rajnath Singh in Agartala on Saturday. He said insurgency remains a hurdle in restoring peace and developing the area, and appealed underground groups to shun violence.
Mr Singh and his deputy Kiren Rijiju were on a brief visit to Tripura primarily to review repatriation of Reang refugees stranded in Kanchanpur of north Tripura for past 18 years, but also flew to visit a border area with Bangladesh’s Chittagong Hill Tracts at remote Khantlang. The Ministers assessed security and deployment of the BSF in the area where extremists of the National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT) recently stepped up activities.
Back from Khantlang, Mr. Singh and Mr. Rijiju met leaders of 32,000 Reang or Bru refugees housed in seven camps in Kanchanpur and discussed complete repatriation to Mizoram. The refugee leaders submitted a memorandum in which they complained of threat to security and identity to minority tribe people in Mizoram.
Mr Singh later discussed the issue with Tripura Chief Minister Manik Sarkar and senior Union Home Ministry officials. Mizoram Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla was scheduled to attend the meeting but he skipped.
“Bru (Reang) refugees want to return home and the Mizoram government should help towards a solution of the problem. No discrimination should occur with the Reangs,” Mr Singh said but did not give details of the measures to solve the longstanding crisis.
Rajnath Singh also said that development in the Northeast is not taking speed due to insurgency problem. He appealed to the extremist groups to eschew violence to give the Union government 5 to 10 years’ time to work towards overall development of the region.
He warned that the government will not tolerate violence. Reacting to a query on extremist bases in Bangladesh and Myanmar, he said India has a friendly relation with these neighbouring countries and they are cooperating on security issues.
13 February 2015

RSS Appropriates A Naga Freedom Fighter’s Story And Her Religion

Rani Gaidinliu had struggled against the British rule and for her people's culture. But that history has been stripped of all context by right-wing groups.

By Richard Kamei

For years, freedom fighter Rani Gaidinliu’s role in the resistance against the British rule had become relegated to the periphery. This year, in the centenary anniversary of her birth, her contribution is being marked again. But these celebrations have come with an invidious attempt by right-wing groups to hijack her narrative into the folds of Hinduism.

Gaidinliu was born in 1915 in a small Manipuri village called Luangkao and into one of the three Zeliangrong tribes called the Rongmei Nagas. Aged 16, she took over the unfulfilled cause of her cousin Haipou Jadonang, the Rongmeis’ spiritual leader. Jadonang’s movement had sought the end of the British Raj besides a revival of the Zeliangrong religion and the establishment of the Naga self-rule (or Naga Raj).

Quickly filling Jadonang’s shoes, Gaidinliu led a resistance against the British. The appellation “Rani” was given to her by Jawaharlal Nehru in 1937. Captured and sentenced to life imprisonment, she spent 14 years in prison, the longest incarceration suffered by any Indian freedom fighter. For this untiring fight against the British Raj, the Indian government awarded her the Padma Bhushan.

However, Gaidinliu’s struggle did not end with the Raj’s departure. Soon after, she began protesting against Christian missionaries who she warned were eroding the Zeliangrong culture and tradition. Till her death in February 1993, she kept up the demand for the creation of a Zeliangrong Administrative Unit out of the states of Manipur, Nagaland and Assam.

Indigenous peoples' battles


Today, Gaidinliu’s legacy is viewed primarily through the prism of her role in the freedom struggle. But there are larger parallels between her movement and the everyday battle of indigenous people worldwide against the onslaught on their resources and way of life.

Rani Gaidinliu’s movement against external forces has been appropriated today by right-wing groups like the Vishva Hindu Parishad and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. They have absorbed her life history into their propaganda, where the British and Christian missionaries are the enemies. What’s more, they have arrogated the religion which Gaidinliu followed as similar to Hinduism.

There is a history to this appropriation. The VHP started to interface with Gaidinliu as early as in the 1960s. Even then, they tried to manufacture a relation between Hinduism and Zeliangrong’s religion. At that time Gaidinliu wanted to protect her people’s custom and tradition from the work of Christian missionaries, so she turned to the VHP as a mark of protest against Christianity.

Tensions had been arising periodically between followers of Christianity and Gaidinliu’s movement, which viewed Christianity as an annihilator of their way of life. But the dispute really boiled over in 1958, when the Naga National Council coined the slogan “Nagaland shall be a kingdom for Christ”. The slogan’s obvious exclusion of Zeliangrong people on the basis of religion sparked Gaidinliu’s ire.

Devoid of all context
Hinduism’s influence had, in fact, reached the region earlier. When Jadonang was spearheading the “Naga Raj” campaign along with a religious movement, the Manipur king had proposed to spread Hindu missionaries’ work in the hill districts.

In the reformed religion launched by Jadonang, emphasis was given to Tingkao Ragwang (a supreme creator). From Vaishnavism, Zeliangrong tribes borrowed the significance of temple. The Bisnu worshipped by Zeliangrong is seen as a variation of the Hindu Vishnu but has its distinct identity in the beliefs of Zeliangrong people. It is also crucial to take note of how people adopting Hinduism and Christianity viewed their animistic religion and culture to be inferior.

It is praiseworthy that Gaidinliu’s struggle is being recognised in the 100th year of her birth. But that fight has been stripped of its context by right-wing groups. The freedom struggle of the Zeliangrong people is now portrayed as a religious movement. The RSS, VHP and the Bharatiya Janata Party have appropriated the story of Rani Gaidinliu to suit their propaganda.

This appropriation reflects in their insistence on addressing Gaidinliu as ‘Ma’ (a conflation of Zeliangrong’s religion with Hinduism) and in their effort to extract solidarity out of Christian missionaries' criticism of Gaidinliu. All this does a disservice to Gaidinliu and her people.

The centenary was marked on January 26 by the RSS, National Committee for Birth Centenary Celebration of Rani Ma Gaidinliu, the people of Zeliangrong, as well as the people of Manipur, Nagaland and Assam. But the celebrations will be incomplete unless her unfulfilled goals are realised and Zeliangrong people reconcile with other ethnic communities with shared histories.

Source: scroll.in

Remote Tribal Community in Arunachal Opens Homestay For Tourists

Traveller Hitesh Saikia said he has stayed with the Tangsa community and it was an amazing experience.


Nampong
A small tribal community in the hills of Changlang district in Arunachal Pradesh have opened their homes for people to stay with them and have a taste of their culture, food and society.

Some of the families of the Tangsa community near Nampong have opened home stay, inviting tourists to not only stay with them amid the lush green nature cover but also taste their ethnic cuisine, visit the neighbouring hill tops and so on.

Jankhong Morang, a resident of Nongki Bosti in Nampong, has turned his small traditional hut to a home stay where tourists can savour smoked tea called 'phalap', rice beer called 'ju' or 'kham', in addition to a staple diet of steamed rice and boiled vegetables.

During their home stay, Morang said tourists can take the Pangsau Pass, which is only 12 km from Nampong, to visit Myanmar.

"We take tourists to the Pangsau Pass on the 10th, 20th and 30th of each month. They can go up to the border and after crossing the border they can hire motorcycles on the other side run by the Myanmarese youth and visit the lake of No Return," he said.

He said the lake was called so as during the World War II, many aircraft of the Allied Forces disappeared there while flying over it.

"We also take tourists to the hilltops where we cultivate," Morang said.

Traveller Hitesh Saikia said he has stayed with the Tangsa community and it was an amazing experience.

"I have stayed with the Tangsas. It's amazing to stay with the local community... The home stay concept in these areas is a recent phenomenon...," Saikia told IANS.

An official said the home stay provided an opportunity to stay close to nature and enjoy local food.

"They serve local food and one can really enjoy while being in the middle of such lush green nature and serenity," said P. Bordoloi, an executive with the state health department, who frequently visits different locations along the Assam-Arunachal Pradesh border.

One can call Nongjung Mossang at 09402239426 and Jankhong Morang at 09402223826 to know more about home stay.

Like many parts of the northeast, Arunachal Pradesh too has a history of World War II cemeteries at Digboi in Tinsukia district (bordering Assam) and at Jairampur, about 40 km from Nampong, in Changlang district.

Many tourists visit these historically important sites during their home stay at Nampong to get a peep into the World War II history.

"These graves bear a testimony to those soldiers, unlisted workers and labourers who ventured into the jungle amid blistering heat and laid down their lives during the World War II while being a part of the Allied Forces against the Japanese Imperial Army," reads one of the inscriptions at a cemetery in Jairampur.
12 February 2015

India’s first VGF hydro-power project falls through, Mizoram hands it over to NEEPCO

By Adam Halliday

Aizawl, Feb 12
: India’s first proposed hydro-electricity project to be built on a viability gap funding (VGF) basis and PPP mode appears to have fallen flat as the Mizoram government signs an MoU with the North-East Electric Power Corporation (NEEPCO) to take up the planned project in northern Mizoram.

The project 210 MW Tuivai HEP was cleared in 2013 to become the country’s first VGF-based HEP in 2013, meaning the Centre was willing to foot up to Rs 750 crores of the total Rs 1,750 crores the project is estimated to cost.

The project was envisaged such that it fell under the state sector, meaning Mizoram would have the rights to use as much of power generated for its needs and sell the remaining as it deems fit.

But even then, plans fell through towards the end of last year as banks and private developers shied away from going ahead with the project, leaving the state government to look for other alternatives.

The Mizoram government and NEEPCO signed a MoU to hand over the project, one of Mizoram’s largest in terms of capacity, to the latter on Wednesday night.

The Tuivai HEP is meanwhile being  opposed by local groups including the Hmar People’s Convention or HPC, a militant-group turned political party active in the Hmar tribe dominated regions of north Mizoram.

The HPC has said the dam would submerge farmlands of up to seven nearby villages.