Time To Say Cheers?

After 17 years of being a dry state, Mizoram is relaxing its curbs on alcohol. Ratnadip Choudhury explains how the booze ban was a bane in the Christian-dominated state

By Ratnadip Choudhury

Risky gamble Mizoram CM Lal Thanhawla (centre) is counting on the new liquor law to help him gain popularity in the state, Photo: UB Photos

James Pachuau, 23, takes out his Royal Enfield motorcycle every late afternoon and zips down the roads of Mizoram’s capital Aizawl, towards Lengpui on the outskirts, where the state has its lone airport. He parks his bike with several others lined up on the roadside. Hundreds of Mizo youth in their 20s and 30s are gathering in front of a group of shacks where Zu, Mizoram’s locally brewed liquor, is sold. Bootleggers hover around, making discreet deals for foreign liquor, sold at three times the MRP and often spurious. They earn in lakhs and it is anybody’s guess that they cannot be operating without taking Excise Department officials and policemen into confidence.

It’s an everyday affair in a state where alcohol has been banned for the past 17 years. And in this period, more than 1,700 people have been treated for alcoholism by the Department of Psychiatry of the Aizawl Civil Hospital. Worse, at least 70 people have died after consuming spurious liquor.
“The world is changing fast and Mizoram cannot be immune to change,” says James. “The booze ban has done no good. You can get any IMFL (Indian-Made Foreign Liquor) brand from the black market if you can pay for it. And if you can’t afford it, you can always go for the cheaper Zu. The problem is, you can’t be sure of the quality and many have died because of spurious liquor.”

Zu is often adulterated with methyl alcohol, which makes it toxic. Moreover, an investigation by the Department of Forensic Medicine and Toxicology at the Aizawl Civil Hospital found that a kind of yeast called BEDC, found in plenty in Myanmar and smuggled into Mizoram, is used in making spurious liquor that resembles IMFL.

“The locals usually brew the liquor in jungles and under unhygienic conditions since it is illegal,” says Lalringthanga, an engineering student from Mamit district.

However, all this could change in a few months. On 10 July, the Legislative Assembly passed the Mizoram Liquor Prohibition and Control (MLPC) Bill, which will replace the existing Mizoram Liquor Total Prohibition (MLTP) Act, 1995. This move comes after nearly half-a-decade of debate in the state over the pros and cons of prohibition.

The new law, however, does not lift the ban on alcohol totally. “It is a modification of the earlier Act and incorporates a system of proper checks,” says Mizoram’s Excise and Narcotics Minister R Lalzirliana. “The previous Act did not yield the desired results and so it had to be modified.”
In effect since 1997, the MLTP Act was legislated after the Presbyterian Church, the largest denomination in Christian-dominated Mizoram, came out with an assessment in 1994 that 65 percent of the women in the state were losing their husbands to alcohol abuse. The powerful Church, whose followers account for nearly half of Mizoram’s population of 1 million, prevailed upon the government to get prohibition imposed in the state.

Even now, the Presbyterian Church and the Baptist Church are dead against any change in the 1995 law. “Total prohibition has been beneficial in ridding Mizo society of various social evils. The Church has played a pivotal role in creating awareness against alcoholism and has organised many special drives against it. It has also been involved in rehabilitation programmes. We are against any change in the 1995 Act as it would make people more prone to alcoholism. The state is already plagued by widespread drug abuse,” says Robert Halliday of the Mizoram Presbyterian Synod. “We have organised mass prayers against the lifting of prohibition and will continue to oppose any change in the law.”

But they failed to stop the Mizoram Assembly from passing the new law. Prominent civil society organisations stayed away from the protests called by the Church. Perhaps, this signals a slackening of the Church’s influence on the state’s politics and civil society. While civil society organisations in the state had once stood with the Church on the prohibition issue, there has been a significant change in their stance over the years. Now, most of them are in favour of allowing people in the state to have good-quality liquor at reasonable prices. They want the focus to shift from total prohibition to efforts at controlling alcohol abuse.

Misdirected? At least 70 people died in Mizoram due to spurious liquor during 17 years of prohibition

It seems the spurt in cases of alcoholism and drug abuse made the state government take a fresh look at whether total prohibition was serving the intended purpose. According to state health department records, the number of alcoholics who were treated in government hospitals in the period from 1988 to 1996 — i.e., before prohibition was enforced — was 482. Ironically, during 2002-11, when prohibition was in place, 1,686 alcoholics were being treated with serious ailments. Similarly, in the period 1992-96, before total prohibition was imposed, 282 cases of liver disorders related to alcohol consumption were reported from government hospitals. The situation did not improve after prohibition, with 520 such cases reported during 2007-11. It was clear from the figures that prohibition had failed to control alcohol abuse.

This led to the formation of a special study group with the help of the Department of Psychology of Mizoram University in January 2011. The group led by H Raltawna, a retired IAS officer, undertook an exhaustive study and submitted its report in January 2012, advocating a change in the 1995 Act.
“The state saw a rapid rise in addiction to narcotics in the 17 years of prohibition. At the same time, spurious alcohol has caused deaths and disease. The bootleggers ruled the roost. Liquor was smuggled in from Assam and Tripura and sold at exorbitant prices in Mizoram. With this new law, the government claims that the checks will be far better,” says Laldingliana Sailo, a retired Indian Information Service officer now based in Aizawl.

The government is now looking at framing rules under the new Act to control alcohol abuse even as manufacture and sale of liquor is permitted. It is also mulling over what penalties to impose on those who break the rules.

The history of prohibition in Mizoram dates back to the time when it was not a separate state; it was then known as the Lushai Hills district and was a part of Assam. It was declared a Union Territory in 1972 and turned into a full-fledged state in 1987 following a peace accord between the Centre and the Mizo National Front (MNF). In 1964, the Centre had offered to compensate the states for up to 50 percent of the excise revenue lost due to prohibition. In 1977, Mizoram was among the 14 states and Union Territories that became part of the All India Prohibition Council set up by the then Morarji Desai government.

According to Halliday, the Church wants a “pure society” and, therefore, has always considered prohibition to be non-negotiable. “The Presbyterian Church alone has over 6 lakh followers in Mizoram, and we do have the power to raise social consciousness on the issue,” he says. “But we don’t want to be party to the politics of prohibition in which the government has got trapped. The government needs to acknowledge that it has failed completely in implementing the 1995 Act, we would like to complement its efforts.”

Indeed, the Church has all along played a significant role in efforts to enforce the ban on alcohol. Civil society organisations, too, have been keeping a watch on alcoholism at the local level and raising awareness against it. They have also targeted drug abuse and helped to keep it under check to a certain extent.

“Yet, the fact remains that Mizoram is a hub of narcotics,” says Lalhmachhuana, president of Mizo Zirlai Pawl, the influential Mizo students’ association. “For decades, the Myanmar border has served as a transit route for international drug smuggling. Narcotics is smuggled into India through this route and now the Mizo youths are also falling prey to drug addiction. On the other side of the border in Myanmar, there are many warlords and insurgent groups that are involved in international narcotics smuggling. The Central government has never taken it seriously. We will soon need a separate narcotics law for our state. As for alcohol prohibition, you will find that many Excise Department officials and policemen, who are supposed to ensure its success, have themselves became alcoholics. Many of them have gone for rehab.”

Over the years, the failure of the government machinery to enforce prohibition has led to the emergence of vigilante groups that use highhanded methods to deal with alcoholics. But the influential Young Mizo Association (YMA), which has been at the forefront of long-drawn anti-alcohol campaigns, now wants a change in the law. “We have serious issues with both the 1995 law and the new one, and have already written to the government about it,” says YMA president Lalbiakzuala. “The older law could have been successful had the government been strict about implementing it. We are not sure of the new law. It will be an acid test for the government. But our mandate is clear. We will continue to act as a watchdog and our local units will try to keep a tight leash on tipplers. And the sale of spurious liquor has to be curbed.”

With the new law, the government expects that revenue will increase by around Rs 30 crore. It also feels that the move would give a big boost to vineyard cultivators in the state. A few years ago, when the government permitted wineries to operate in the Hnahlan and Champai areas, the wine brewed in the state found a ready market outside. In fact, grape orchards and winebrewing provided a means of sustainable livelihood to locals in these areas. Mizoram produces 21,000 tonnes of fine-quality grapes every year and the new law would allow the bulk of it to be used in breweries and bring in more revenue.

“But revenue is not the key issue,” says minister Lalzirliana. “We admit that spurious liquor has taken a toll and we want to control that. And in no way are we lifting the ban totally, we are only relaxing it with many riders.”

However, the main Opposition party in the state, the MNF, is firmly opposed to the idea of lifting prohibition. It has always taken a hard line on this issue and has stood with the Church. Chances are that if the new law fails, the MNF will be quick to use it for launching a big political attack against the Congress government led by Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla. On the other hand, if the law is seen to be effective in curbing spurious liquor and rampant alcoholism, Lal Thanhawla would be one step ahead of both the MNF and the Church.

Source: Tehelka

People's Party of Arunachal demands increase in retirement age

Itanagar, Aug 4 : The People's Party of Arunachal (PPA) has urged the state government to increase retirement age of state government employees from 58 years to 60 effective from this financial year.

"Majority of the states follow the Central government norm of 60 years as the retirement age. The Seventh Pay Commission has proposed to increase the retirement age to 62 years. It is unfortunate and surprising that Arunachal Pradesh is still at the stage of discussion on the matter," T Naksang, PPA general secretary, said.

He also said the increase in retirement age would enable the government to reap the benefits of rich experience as well as the productivity of the employees.

Due to increase of retirement age, he said, huge pension money payable to the employees would be saved for two years in a huge benefit to the state exchequer.

Naksang said that the argument that increase in retirement age would lead to cut in employment opportunities and create a burden on state exchequer was also not fully true.

Wildlife Trust of India team to search origin of star tortoises seized in Nagaland

By Pullock Dutta








































































































Star tortoises at Nagaland Zoological Park.

Jorhat, Aug 4 : The Wildlife Trust of India has the daunting task of finding the home of 62 star tortoises that were seized at Dimapur railway station last month.

A team from the WTI will collect blood and tissue samples of the tortoises, now kept at the zoo in Dimapur to ascertain their place of origin.

“The blood and tissue samples are necessary to ascertain the location from where these tortoises originated. By ascertaining to which sub-species they belong, we can subsequently release these tortoises in the particular location or at least near it,” N.V.K. Ashraf, the chief of conservation of WTI, told The Telegraph today.

Ashraf said the Indian star tortoise (Geochelone elegans) is a species found in dry forest areas in the northwest and southeastern regions of the country and is quite popular in exotic pet trade across the world.

“Thanks to the distinctively-marked and highly-rounded shell, this species has become popular in the world’s pet trade,” he said.

Indian star tortoises are medium sized, with the average adult rarely growing to more than 30cm in length.

The trade in star tortoises has been banned under the Convention of International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES) of Wild fauna and flora. The species is also protected under Schedule IV of the Wildlife Protection Act 1972, which bans its possession and trade.

The consignment of 62 tortoises was found concealed under fruits in two crates parcelled from New Delhi on July 12.

Sources said one of the tortoises managed to sneak out of the packet, which attracted the attention of railway officials. Subsequently, the wildlife crime control bureau seized the two packets.

The principal chief conservator of forests, Nagaland, M. Lokeswara Rao, said all the 62 tortoises were alive and being kept at a special enclosure at Nagaland zoological park.

He said WTI had sought permission from the forest department to collect blood and tissue samples of the tortoises to ascertain the location from where they originated.

“We have given them permission,” he said.

He said this was the first time that star tortoises, which are found in Gujarat, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Karnataka, were seized in Nagaland.

Rao said a telephone number and an address were mentioned in the two packets but there was no reply on the particular telephone number.

“The address was also fake,” he added.

An official of the Wildlife Crime Control Bureau told The Telegraph that the haul has established the fact that Dimapur is used as a transit route to smuggle star tortoises to Southeast Asian countries.

“The porous international border in Manipur is being used to smuggle these star tortoises. We are probing the incident,” he said.

The ministry of home affairs has said the porosity of the 1,643km India-Myanmar border facilitates cross-border movement of militants, illegal arms and drugs. “The border (Indo-Myanmar) permits free movement regime up to 16km across the border. This makes the International border extremely porous. The border runs along hilly and inhospitable terrain, which grossly lacks basic infrastructure and provides cover to the activities of various insurgent groups and smugglers,” a ministry of home affairs report had said recently.

Dilemma Over Influx: Is ILP A Solution?

By Patricia Mukhim

The demand in some states of the northeast India for imposition of the inner line permit regime is a means to extend the period for freeloading, which the region has done enough of, writes Patricia Mukhim

Manipur is once again on the boil even as the demand for the Inner Line Permit gets more strident. Babloo Loitongbam, the noted Human Rights activist has in a fit of anger made disparaging remarks against the 60 MLAs of the Manipur Assembly for not doing enough to push this Bill. He and the local television channel now face the prospect of being served with a breach of privilege notice by the Manipur Assembly. The disconnect between the elected and the electors is out in the open. Election promises are in the habit of being forgotten as quickly as they were made, once legislators enter the Assembly.

Increasingly, we see that the agenda of the MLAs and the ruling government is at odds with what the public want. However, the point here is whether the  Eastern Bengal Frontier Regulation (EBFR) 1873 from which flows the contentious Inner Line Permit applied in the states of Mizoram, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh is the instrument to stop unabated influx from other parts of the country and from neighbouring Bangladesh and to an extent Nepal.

The three states where the ILP is applied (strictly in some states and quite loosely in others) have shown very slow economic growth. Nagaland is facing a deficit in its budget and is now hoping that the Union government under Narendra Modi would bail it out. Mizoram Government is facing a similar revenue crunch and is contemplating lifting the ban on prohibition of liquor. Mizoram has been a dry state for 17 years but it is not as if people don't drink. There are watering holes galore where the local brew is sold. The Mizoram government says it could generate a revenue of roughly 30 crore from taxes on alcohol. While the church and other civil society groups are resisting this move of the government, the choices seem limited. A land-locked state with no mineral resources and very little cultivable land must be innovative in its approach. Yet Mizoram is economically stagnated. So too is Nagaland. Whatever resources come to these two states from the Central government are spent with very little accountability. Hence the roads of Nagaland, including the important ones such as the Dimapur-Kohima highway, are in a shabby condition.

There are very few public sector undertakings in all the three ILP-bound states. If at all Arunachal Pradesh has any hopes of revenue generation it is from executing hydropower projects. The state, we are told, is capable of generating of 50,000 MW of hydro electricity. It's a different matter that nothing has taken off thus far although a slew of MOUs were signed with private companies several years ago during Dorjee Khandu's chief ministership. Whether the generation of hydro electricity in an ecologically sensitive region would have disastrous impacts on downstream inhabitants has not been adequately assessed. And until such time as hydel power becomes Arunachal Pradesh's mainstay, this state too depends heavily on Central funding. Of course the Centre might look at things a bit differently now that Chinese claims over this state are getting further traction ~ what with railways being built close to the Indo-China border just kilometres away from Arunachal Pradesh.

The crux of the matter here is our own dilemma in understanding the kind of development we want and whether we are ready to pay the price for that development. Globalisation has its discontents as Joseph Stiglitz so cogently argued in his book, Globalisation and its discontents.  He looks at the market fundamentals and how they operate and analyses why the market can never substitute governments as the distributors of social and public goods. But the point to ask here is whether people are happy to distance themselves from what is happening in other parts of the world. Are people content with the slow pace of development in their respective states and are therefore happy to lead sheltered lives away from other marauding influences from the rest of India? People from the three abovementioned states are moving out to the rest of India to look for better livelihood opportunities. No one is stopping them. So how can this be a one-way traffic? But this argument is likely to be trashed by those who believe that the ILP is non pareil. They believe in checking the movement of individuals into their states while rebuffing similar attempts by others to stop them from entering another state. We cannot have different laws governing different states without creating schisms.  The north-eastern region of India finds itself unable to catch up with the pace of development in the rest of India not just because of its remoteness from the Centre but also because it consciously chooses to remain aloof and untouched. There are enough people around who make a living by creating a fear psychosis among the hoi-polloi and who make the masses believe that they must be protected from a host of so-called adverse influences. But those who peddle these arguments about the need for protectionist policies are themselves very socially and physically mobile and enjoy the best of both worlds.

These double standards are what irritate. If people want the best educational systems and look for that in other states of India, what does it say about the development indices in those states? The best educational facilities offered by the private sector in the best locales of India have a huge population of North-eastern students. How their parents can afford to pay the exorbitant fees is another matter. But think how much revenue can be generated by these states if they had similar educational institutions within the region. Now that would mean allowing the private sector not only to come in but also to sustain themselves through easy mobility and secure in the knowledge that their investment will pay off. Can any of the seven states guarantee that private initiative will not be crushed by extortion and intimidation? So how will they generate their revenues? It is doubtful if the state would be able to depend on the Centre for all times. A tightening of belts is the need of the hour. And instruments like the ILP will only push the states into a situation where they will implode under the weight of their debt burden.

Proposing all sorts of protectionist Acts goes counter to the principles of growth and development. In Meghalaya too, the ILP protagonists have raked up the issue yet again. We will be seeing a series of agitations on this issue now that the Khasi Students Union has split and a more virulent group has been formed recently to take on the government on the ILP. With constant agitations stalling economic activities in the region, can we blame anyone for our own skewed growth and the burgeoning unemployment in the region? These are issues that the people of the North-east usually love to push under the carpet for they don't make good populist rhetoric. However, the time for a reality

check is now here. The Modi government is unlikely to continue to pour in funds unlimited into meeting the revenue requirements in the region. Enterprise is what the government is talking about all the time. The North-east must brace itself for such enterprise. We have done enough freeloading! And ILP is only a means to extend the period for freeloading.

The writer is editor, The Shillong Times, and can be contacted at patricia17@rediffmail.com

Talking business With Rebels

How social and political conflict is affecting business and governance in Nagaland and surrounding areas

By Sudeep Chakravarti

You wish to tap petroleum? Natural gas? Check with the rebels or check out. In July, the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah), or NSCN (I-M), the largest rebel group in Nagaland and a large swathe of adjacent Manipur, nixed an exploration project in Nagaland.

The group’s civilian arm, the Government of the People’s Republic of Nagalim, through its ministry of mines and minerals wrote to Metropolitan Oil and Gas Pvt. Ltd, rejecting the firm’s prospecting licence. The permit was issued by the government of Nagaland. Work stopped. Three months earlier, the outfit had with a similar diktat disrupted oil exploration by Jubilant Energy NV in western Manipur.

This claim is based on operational heft as well as a pitch for a future Nagalim, or greater Nagaland that seeks to unite Naga homelands in contiguous areas of Nagaland, Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh.

And, at an unlikely stretch in Myanmar. Several strands of history and politics, and ambition and suspicion are intertwined with a tense present and an uncertain future.

Matters will get more complicated. Metropolitan Oil is at the centre of a controversy in Nagaland. Documents circulated to policymakers and media (I have a set) question antecedents and credibility of the company’s promoters and accuse them of making false claims of expertise and solvency. Local media have speculated about the proximity of politicians of the Zeliang tribe to Metropolitan Oil.

The Zeliang Naga tribal region to Nagaland’s southwest is a key exploration area. NSCN (I-M)’s July censure is based on such allegations. There’s more to the stew than business deals. After all, competition ensures sniping. One company can theoretically be replaced by another. And politicians are proven to be industrious in demanding a mile of personal benefit where even an inch is illegal. It also goes beyond constitutionally mandated rights in Nagaland (which became a state in 1963) that permits the state primacy in mineral rights. The right extends to ownership of land by a particular tribe—individually and in community trust.

And, therefore, the extent of negotiable benefits that would accrue from mineral exploration. This provided activists of the Lotha Naga tribe the leverage to prevent exploration and extraction of oil by Oil and Natural Gas Corp. Ltd in the Wokha area of Nagaland. It’s a stunning reality that a rebel group in ceasefire with the government of India since 1997 runs a parallel administration—and a parallel economy—in its areas of operation.

This is also true of NSCN (I-M)’s bitter—and relatively weaker—rivals of the Khaplang faction, known as NSCN (K), which inked a ceasefire agreement in 2001. The chaplee, or finance ministries of both groups freely extract taxes from individuals—even politicians and bureaucrats—and businesses. In July, Nagaland-based newspapers carried an NSCN (K) announcement, that an “official with the following phone numbers has been appointed to oversee financial affairs pertaining to the Southern Zone—9862567272, 9436111777”. Reality is as twisted in Manipur.

The ceasefire agreements with Naga groups do not extend to Manipur, even though Naga homelands like that of the Tangkhul and Zeliangrong tribes, among others, are in present-day Manipur (the former kingdom was accorded statehood in 1972). This is on account of huge protests in non-tribal areas of Manipur.

Protesters perceived a ceasefire extended to all Naga regions as a stepping stone to Greater Nagaland, and disintegration of Manipur. Skirmishing between state and central government forces and the I-M faction isn’t rare. Recent news of reviving peace talks with Naga groups, in particular NSCN (I-M), has revived ambitions and deepened suspicions. I-M is piling on the pressure to retain territory and influence in a present and future Nagaland. However, on account of tribal equations, NSCN (I-M) is perceived as largely Tangkhul-led, a tribe with its homeland in Manipur. This creates speculation that the Tangkhul leadership will not be accepted in post-conflict Nagaland.

This theory leaves the Tangkhul rebel leadership to consolidate their hold in Manipur. That in turn does not go down well with non-Naga and non-tribal folk in Manipur—and the attendant bands of ethnicity-based rebel groups—who have for long seen NSCN (I-M) as aggressors. Divide and rule has traditionally been seen by the government of India—especially its intelligence apparatus—as a clever Chanakya-like ploy to tackle dissent and ethnic ambition. The lesson has over time been assiduously applied by regional satraps.

But maps and minds are now so divided that it is nearly impossible to govern. As to petroleum and natural gas, these will remain underground for a while yet.

Sudeep Chakravarti’s latest book is Clear-Hold-Build: Hard Lessons of Business and Human Rights in India. His previous books include Red Sun: Travels in Naxalite Country and Highway 39: Journeys through a Fractured Land.

ULFA Chief Out Of Myanmar For Treatment

ULFA Commander Paresh Baruah. (Photo: PTI/File)

Guwahati, Aug 1 : The security agencies have intensified its vigil on elusive Ulfa chief Paresh Baruah who is suspected to have been in Thailand or Malaysia for the treatment of his prolonged ailment.

Disclosing that Ulfa commander was not in Myanmar for past few weeks, security sources said that the rebel group chief was maintaining link with his filed commanders in Myanmar, Bangladesh and Assam from his new location.

Informing that the Ulfa field commanders have been asked to make their presence felt by launching subversive activities in the run up to the Independence Day celebrations in Assam, security sources said that MHA was keeping a close watch on developments on insurgency fronts in Assam and other Northeastern states.

Alliance Air To Resume Flights For Northeast From Today

Shillong, Aug 1 : Alliance Air, a wholly-owned subsidiary of Air India, would resume operations from Kolkata to Shillong in Meghalaya and to Tezpur and Lilabari in Assam from today, two months after the services were discontinued due to 'fund constraints'.

The airlines' ATR aircrafts would fly on three sectors - Kolkata/Guwahati/Tezpur and return (three days a week), Kolkata/Guwahati/Lilabari and return (four days) and Kolkata/ Shillong/Kolkata and return (six days), the company said in a statement in Kolkata.

Flight 9I-737 will depart Kolkata at 0550 hrs and arrive Guwahati at 0740 hrs, depart Guwahati at 0740 hrs and arrive Tezpur at 0835 hrs. The return flight 9I-738 will leave Tezpur at 0855 hrs and reach Guwahati at 0950 hrs, depart Guwahati at 1020 hrs and arrive at Kolkata at 1155hrs on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays, the release said.

Flight 9I-739 will depart Kolkata at 0550 hrs and reach Guwahati at 0720 hrs and depart Guwahati at 0740 hrs to reach Lilabari at 0840 hrs. The return flight 9I-740 will leave Lilabari at 0900 hrs to reach Guwahati at 1000 hrs and take off from Guwahati at 1020 hrs and arrive Kolkata at 1155 on Tuesdays, Thursdays, Saturdays and Sundays.

Flight 9I-711 will leave Kolkata at 1235 hrs and reach Shillong at 1420 hrs and the return flight 9I-712 will depart Shillong at 1440 hrs and arrive Kolkata at 1625 hrs everyday except Fridays, the release said.

The Alliance Air used to get subsidy from the North Eastern Council (NEC), the nodal agency for the economic and social development of the North Eastern Region.

NEC Advisor (Transport and Communication) P H K Singh said Alliance Air had cited funds constraints as the primary reason for their discontinuation of the flights to these places.

"They were suffering as the losses incurred by the company was more than the subsidy they availed from the NEC," he told PTI in Shillong.

But they would resume their flights from tomorrow in three smaller air ports in the region after the Union Ministry for Development of North Eastern Region (DoNER) intervened in the matter.

One-Stop Office For Northeasterners Suggested

By Rupesh Dutta

New Delhi, Aug 1 : An IPS officer belonging to the northeast in every city with a sizable population from the region, a one-stop office for redressing complaints and setting up forums and special squads to investigate hate crimes against them are among the 60 recommendations made by the Bezbaruah Committee that recently submitted its report to the government.

The 15-member committee, formed after the murder of Arunachal Pradesh youth Nido Tania in February to suggest remedial measures following a rise in number of crimes against people from the northeastern states across the country, also suggested that the Development of Northeast Region (DONER) minister, Gen. V.K. Singh, a former Indian Army chief, should acquire "detailed knowledge" of the northeast and should visit there every month to get a "proper idea of the happenings".

The minister should be "very sensitive" to the issues related to the northeast, the report, which was submitted to Minister of State for Home Kiren Rijiju July 11, states.

The report, recommends that a "Northeast Trade Union" be formed in every city with a sizable population from the region to focus on various issues relating to employees from the northeast, including non-payment of wages, and also assist them in pursuing alternate career options apart from those in the hospitality sector.

"The trade union would also look into cases of harassment of girls from the region in their offices," a committee member said on condition of anonymity, adding that IPS officers from the region could serve as a "calming influence".

The member added that the report also suggested that the central government set up a "one-way one-stop office" in major cities to "help" people from the northeast "with information about the city or getting rented accommodation and the like or even political help from the MPs of their respective states".

Another member, who also did not wish to be named, said a Northeast Forum has also been suggested to draw up a database of information pertaining to people from the region - and serve as the face of these people.

The 15-member committee has also emphasised on the enactment of the much-debated "anti-racial" law to stop hate crimes, not just against people from the northeast but also from other states.

"We have suggested a road map for this. In the alternative, we have suggested in the existing section 153 (A) of the IPC (that deals with hate crimes)," said the member, adding that fast track courts had been suggested to deal with crimes against northeastern people.

The report has also recommended CCTV cameras in areas with a concentration of people from the northeast.

According to the committee's report, Pune in Maharastra was the safest for those from the northeast, while in the last six months the national capital has witnessed "some of the most brutal crime incidents against people from northeast".

More than 200,000 people, of whom around 50 percent are females, from the northeastern states are living in the capital, as per the North East Support Centre and Helpline (NESCH).

Another member said that to usher in "ideological changes" among the people, all central universities should be directed to start a foundation course on the geography and demography of the northeast region with weightage at par with other subjects.

Also suggested are northeast study centres and student exchange programmes between the central and the state varsities and those in the northeast.

"Since our recommendations have been formulated after much analysis, we have very high expectations from the government in terms of its implementation," the member said, adding that this will "definitely help bring down cases of crime against the northeastern people."

* Recruitment of northeastern youth in the police forces of other Indian cities.

* Equal number of hostels for both the boys and girls from the northeast region.

* Initially, Delhi's civic bodies to publish calendars highlighting festivals of the northeastern states.

* Body for allocating funds to those from the northeast during crisis situations.

* Northeast helpline number - 1093 - to be extended across the country.

* Enabling teachers from the northeast and other states better understand each other's environment.