15 October 2012

Stabilise Northeast Before Looking East

By Nitin Gokhale

The northeastern states can take advantage of the liberalisation that is taking place in Myanmar only if New Delhi  starts looking at the region as an important starting point of India's  'Look East' policy, notes Nitin Gokhale

Five months ago, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh  went to Myanmar and said India and Myanmar as "natural partners."

He suggested tapping the huge un-realised potential of the economic relationship between the two countries for mutual benefit. During that two-day trip, India and Myanmar signed a number of agreements and put in place a road map for the rapid development relations in the years ahead.

As diplomatic visits go, it was a great success. But it takes more than usual platitudes to translate a triumphant state visit into a long lasting relationship, coming as this one does after a relatively low profile engagement over the past decade.

In fact the Indian Prime Minister's visit to Myanmar came after leaders from Bangladesh, US, South Korea and Britain had already made their forays into Myanmar. New Delhi, ever so cautious -- or laggard, depending on the prism through which one sees its approach -- has only now tentatively taken the first steps to cash in on Myanmar's opening up. As the Prime Minister pointed out: "Myanmar, with its unique" geographic location, can be a bridge linking South and South East Asia to East Asia and there is much untapped potential in our economic relationship."

After all, India has a major partnership with her neighbouring ASEAN countries in trade and investment.

Myanmar, now a member of ASEAN, has become a major link between India and ASEAN countries. And North East, particularly Manipur ought to become the center of thriving and integrated economic space linking two dynamic regions with a network of highways, railways, pipeline, and transmission lines crisscrossing the region.

Development of the North East is thus integral to India's policy on Myanmar.

North East is a corridor and a transit route to South East Asia. Infrastructure building tops the priority. A big project already under way is designed to turn the Kaladan River into a shipping route, linking Mizoram to Myanmar's port of Sittwe, which India is helping develop. India has also agreed to upgrade an extensive network of roads and bridges in Myanmar that would effectively connect the North East (and the rest of India) to Thailand as soon as 2016. Both sides are also exploring the possibility of setting up train routes through the country. Facilitating border transit would make the Northeast a gateway to Myanmar -- a potential boon for trade as well as tourism.

A think-tank, Aspen Institute India has in fact said in its report on Myanmar recently: "With the Myanmar economy opening up and the world showing greater interest, India has to think big and look consciously for a high profile entry. One of the important new initiatives that India could take up is the setting up of a large, multi-purpose Special Economic Zone around Sittwe. Setting up of another SME-oriented SEZ should also be considered in or near Setpyitpyin (Kaletwa), to which point the Kaladan river is being made navigable, in the region adjoining the Indian border which happens to be amongst the most backward areas in Myanmar."

India is currently upgrading the Sittwe port and making 225 km of the Kaladan river from Sittwe to Setpyitpyin (Kaletwa) navigable. This point would be connected to Mizoram by a 62 km road which India is committed to construct. The Kolkata-Sittwe sea route is only 539 km. These projects are designed to provide connectivity between mainland India and its northeastern states through the Indian Ocean and Myanmar territory.

"Sittwe is the hub of these transport connectivity arrangements. The SEZ could have power plants, fertilizers, plastics, chemicals and other downstream industries, export-oriented greenfield projects, tourism complexes, a super-specialty hospital, housing complexes and educational institutions as an integral part of the master plan. Select Indian companies can be encouraged to invest and participate. Such a project would create a high impact economic region for planned and sustainable long term socio-economic development in the country. The need of the hour is to systematically create economic opportunities by bringing together industry and people in well planned localised areas, with adequate enabling infrastructure and public services. Availability of world-class infrastructure can be a differentiator for Myanmar and improve its competitiveness as a destination for industry and business investment."

India's north eastern states and Myanmar should be the main target markets of many products manufactured in the SEZs to once again make India's north eastern states and northern Myanmar a natural economic zone, which they historically were, providing a sustainable economic life line to the north eastern states. But this would require enormous fast-paced infrastructure development on the Indian side of the border with Myanmar which is primitive and is hardly geared to handle the traffic that would be generated due to the Kaladan project.

Indian private sector companies have a good track record of setting up greenfield airports and ports. These could be additional areas of our collaboration.

In terms of land connectivity, India's National Thermal Power [ Get Quote ] Corporation has envisioned a vision plan for the next 20 years. Additional rail link and the Sittwe-Aizwal-North Assam road link are also new plans. These should be viewed as long term strategic investments from India and be expedited.

Manipur, shares a 398-km border with Myanmar. But more importantly the border town of Moreh has been a traditional trading hub with Myanmar and therefore has vast potential to become a major export centre from India for the South-East Asian region. Here's why: According to available statistics, bilateral trade between India and Myanmar more than doubled between 2005 and 2010, expanding from $557 million to $1.2 billion, most of it through Moreh. Disappointingly though, it pales in comparison to the bilateral trade between China and Myanmar which in 2010 amounted to an estimated $3 billion.

Another prominent think-tank, the Institute of Defence Studies and Analyses says: "In this context, the efficacy of various projects related to the Trilateral Highway as a component of the Asian Highway cannot be overlooked. The Trilateral Highway aims at connecting India's North-East with Thailand via Myanmar. It could mitigate the disadvantages of landlocked North-East India. There has been an agreement between India and Myanmar on the construction and upgradation of the Kalewa-Yargyi stretch of the Trilateral Highway during recent meetings. In its larger and more ambitious frame, the Trilateral Highway project is an example of triangular road diplomacy between India, Myanmar and Thailand, with a vision of inter-linking the Indian Ocean with the South China Sea. It is a component of the Asian Highway, which is scheduled for completion by 2016. Proposed and implemented by the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and Pacific (UNESCAP), the Asian Highway Project includes the Asian Highway 1 and 2 that would pass through the North-East, connecting India with its eastern neighbours.

While the Asian Highway is being built along planned routes to cover a wide spectrum of road network in the North-East region of India, much more needs to be done by the Indian government to make the road functional. The Asian Highway needs to be interlinked with other critical projects that are envisaged to be completed as part of the Look-East Policy such as the Kaladan Multimodal Transit Project and Trans-Asian Railways."

Nevertheless, with better connectivity and implementation of various development projects, the Asian Highway would enable the North-East region to become a business hub of South Asia. Economic linkages already exist by virtue of the prevailing legal and illegal trade between India and Myanmar through Moreh, a business border town in Manipur, and Tamu in Myanmar. Concrete economic benefits are expected to come up in the region with establishment of border haats. In addition, internal trade routes have the potential to enhance accessibility to sub-regional markets that connect Bangladesh, Myanmar and Bhutan.

Thus, with the coming of the Asian Highway, Myanmar will become the point of convergence as well as the linking route between India and the other South-East Asian countries. That, in turn, will lead to the creation of more secure and safe living spaces for the populace residing on either side of the border.

But there are apprehensions too. Local people in the North East fear that the opening of the Asian Highway and absence of inadequate enforceable regulation on immigration, illegal migration into the region may increase manifold. Also past promises have not been translated into real progress.

In July 2011, when India's External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna, speaking at the Indonesian resort town of Bali, announcing a car rally from Singapore to Kolkata  said of India and South East Asia, "We need connectivity more than ever before between our younger generations, entrepreneurs, IT experts, scientists, diplomats, media and students," he was only highlighting a long-desired need.  "I propose that, unlike the car rally in 2004, this time the car rally begin from ASEAN countries into India and culminate at Kolkata," Krishna said, underlining the need for deepening geographical connectivity among countries of the region.

But in India's North East, Krishna's announcement was met with stony silence. Many remembered November 2004, when a similar car rally was organised between Guwahati and Singapore, passing through the Indian states of Assam, Nagaland and Manipur. Then too, the rally was seen as the beginning of a new era in connecting India's isolated North Eastern region to East and South East Asia. Manipur, in particular hoped the new initiative would help it overcome its inherent handicap of being a remote and landlocked state, as it would have brought huge improvement in infrastructure, particularly the roads leading in and out of the state.

Alas, that was not to be.

It is the failure of actualising intent that rankles in Manipur. That, combined with multiple frustrations emanating from prolonged bouts of economic blockades, a state administration in terminal atrophy and the continued and unchallenged writ of underground armed groups, has left the people despondent. It is this hopelessness that the Centre and state government must work hard to overcome. For that, a solution to long-standing ethnic insurgencies has to be found in double-quick time.

Now is the time to press for peace and security in Manipur since politics in Myanmar are undergoing a dramatic change. With the junta taking tentative steps towards genuine democracy and showing signs of warming towards India, New Delhi must seize this moment to establish lasting trade and cultural ties with its eastern neighbour. But before India can play a larger role in Maynmar, it needs to fix Manipur's broken socio-political landscape.

As Arvind Gupta, director general of IDSA said in an article; "This will require, first and foremost, the settlement of the continuing insurgencies in the region as it would take care of many of India's security concerns. It must be noted that considerable progress has been made in this regard in recent years. The recent improvement in India–Bangladesh relations has had a major security benefit for India in terms of winding down of the ULFA insurgency. Similarly, improving ties with Myanmar will help India in dealing with the Naga and Manipur insurgencies. Economic and social development in the region will also pay security dividends for India.

"The North East region has the potential to become a manufacturing hub for engaging with neighbouring Bangladesh, Myanmar, and ASEAN in general. For this, the North East needs to be connected more densely with Bangladesh, Myanmar, and the ASEAN region beyond. This will require building infrastructure -- roads, railway lines, river transport, airports, tourism infrastructure, border check-posts, educational, and health infrastructure, etc. -- in the North East on an urgent basis. The GoI needs to invest big sums in the region in order to make LEP a success. Moreover, linking the North-East to Myanmar and Bangladesh will help in the development of the region and address the issue of poverty."

Manipur and to a lesser extent Nagaland must take advantage of the liberalisation that is taking place in Myanmar. But that potential can be fully realised only if New Delhi starts looking at Manipur as an important starting point in India's 'Look East' policy instead as a dead end of the country's road network.

Nitin Gokhale is the Security & Strategic Affairs Editor with NDTV. He has lived in and reported from India's North East between 1983 and 2006.
11 October 2012

Vangpui Kut Brings Message Of Peace, Love And Unity

The Mizo festival celebration saw Bangaloreans enjoy an engrossing evening with diverse art forms, from Veeragase to rock music!

The Bangalore Mizo Association, an association formed by Mizo's living in Bangalore, celebrated Vangpui Kut. The festival was held to spread the message of peace, unity and friendship among all communities living in Bangalore.

Vangpui Kut has been a regular feature in Bangalore and it is only this year that the organisers have made an attempt to open its doors to friends, colleagues and well wishers from other communities in Bangalore, keeping in mind the recent crisis that had caused a massive exodus of North Easterns from Bangalore.
Mizo dancers performing Cheraw, a traditional bamboo dance. Pic courtesy: Trigam Mukherjee

The evening was set in the presence of political leaders from Karnataka and Mizoram who presided over a cultural exchange evening. Performances from Dollu Kunitha and Veeragase from Karnataka and Boomarang-a popular rock band and Mizoram Cultural Troupe kept the audience engrossed throughout the evening.

Shri Govind M Karjol, Minister of Minor Irrigation, Kannada and Culture, expressed his delight at the event and said " I am delighted that the Mizo community of North East India has organised the cultural exchange event in which both the states of Karnataka and Mizoram and participating" He welcomed the efforts of the Bangalore Mizo Association and the State Governments of Karnataka and Mizoram to bring back confidence in the people of North East.

Minister of Transport, Art and Culture, Government of Mizoram, Mr PC Zoram Sangliana who represented the Government of Mizoram in the Festival said " I firmly believe that having a cultural troupe from Mizoram jointly perform with those of Karnataka's and entertain the people of the Garden City will go a long way in bringing social harmony and better understanding among people"

He further congratulated the Bangalore Mizo Association and the Government of Karnataka in being successfully concluding this year's Vangpui Kut.

Other dignitaries present at the festival were DG & IGP Lalrokhuma Pachuau, president of the Bangalore Mizo Festival, Lalrinpuii and leaders of various churches.

The event held at the Baldwin Boys School auditorium had several stalls serving traditional cuisines from both the states which created a truly carnival atmosphere.


2 Days With Kuki Rebels: Bhut Jolokia And Gunshots

By Kaushik Deka

We were already late as the Manipur DGP met us 45 minutes behind schedule. India Today Photo Editor T. Narayan had already arrived from New Delhi and was waiting for me and Chitra Ahanthem, our guide and interlocutor.

At almost 12 we left for Churachandpur, a two-hour-drive from Imphal. Lunch was out of the question as the Kuki rebels had told Chitra that they would meet us at 2 pm. Driver Abung was fast but sane and the road was good with picturesque landscape on both sides. We reached a good 15 minutes ahead of schedule.

At the Churachandpur junction, a white Honda City was waiting, which guided us to the home of Thongsei Haokip, the "defence secretary" of Kuki National Organisation (KNO), one of the two umbrella groups covering 21 armed Kuki rebel outfits in Manipur. It's a palatial house with a manicured lawn, solar lamps, and high walls surrounding the campus.

A 42-inch Sony Bravia flat screen TV dominates his living room; a six-seater table and a double-door 340-litre refrigerator adorn the dining room.

We were served chilled mango juice. In 10 minutes, Seilen Haokip, the London-educated spokesperson of KNO, joined us. He hopped into a Tata Safari with three armed guards and we were asked to follow.

After crisscrossing some dusty lanes, we ascended a small hilltop, some 73 km from Imphal. We were asked not to disclose the actual location and name of the place. So, let's call it Y.

Here, we found two small concrete structures, which the rebels used as transit camps. There was a water tank, a small make-shift kitchen and two wooden beds. For an uninterrupted and safe discussion, we trekked to the peak.

The cadres, dressed in olives and totting AK-47s, M-16s and 9mm pistols, ran to the top with plastic chairs.

As we interviewed Seilen and Winson Kuki, a 60-year-old rebel, who earlier had fought for the dreaded MNF of Mizoram and was called a lionheart, the cadres took their positions to check movements down the hill.

Seilen told us how some bureaucrats and state politicians were blocking the path to a final solution to their demand for a Kuki state.

He even called Union Joint Secretary (North-east) Shambhu Singh disparaging names and asked me to note that on record. Once the interview was over at 4.30 pm, we were escorted down to the camp where we were served tea without sugar in aluminium mugs.

The protocol was strictly maintained as Seilen and Winson got to sip tea from ceramic cups with saucer. It was dark already and we rushed back to Imphal.

The next day, we were taken to another place, 35 km away from Imphal, in the exactly opposite direction of Y. The last seven km of the road was a dangerous drive up to a hillock along a muddy road crisscrossed by a rivulet.

It was a proper camp, inhabited by 40 gun-toting rebels. Winson, who was with us from Imphal, insisted that we shared a meal with the rebels as they had prepared it with great love and affection. It was chicken curry prepared with Bhut Jolokia, the hottest chilli in the world.

After one bite, I had to give up and shared the bland chicken curry specially prepared for Winson. But the bigger scare was still awaiting us. Out of curiosity, I wanted to peep into the arms store of the rebels through the gap between the tin roof and the brick walls of the room.

As I was trying to climb atop a table and a chair to reach that gap, I heard a gunshot behind me.

I'm told a rebel had misfired while cleaning his equipment but I could sense something else. The camp inmates, mostly in their teens, lead a hard life, far away from other people and tempers run high there.

As we were almost done with our inspection, one rebel slapped another for some mistake which none was ready to disclose to us. The next moment I heard a gun being cocked. Without wasting a second, I hopped into our car and told the driver to hit the pedal.

People From Northeast Form Permanent Organisation

By Neha Madaan

Pune, Oct 11
: The North East Community Forum, after a recent meeting, has decided to form a permanent body of people from the northeast (NE) in Pune, which will include NE students and working professionals.

Rock Lungleng, president, north east community organisation, said, "As the former NE Forum was for an interim purpose, particularly to deal with and address incidents of violence against the NE community, it was felt that an organization for the all the NE people in Pune should be formed. Subsequently, a new organization called the North East Community Organisation (NECOP), Pune came into being."

The new organisation consists of representatives all the eight states of the north east. Every state/union/association/community in the organisation has two member representatives. Representatives from all the eight states unanimously elected Lungleng as the president (of Naga students' Union), Jacob Khiangte as the secretary (of Mizo Student's Union) and Samuel Hmar as the treasurer (Hmar Community). All the representatives are executive members of NECOP, said a press release from the organisation. The former NE Forum has been dissolved as the issue that led to its formation has been settled.

Pune commissioner Gulabrao Pol and deputy commissioner Sanjay Jadhav attended the meeting. The NE community expressed its appreciation at the promptness with which the police handled the incidents of violence against the community.

"The organisation will continue to work for the welfare of those from the NE here in Pune. We were amazed at how help had poured in from all quarters during the incidents of violence. We expect similar support to take the cause of this organization forward," said Lungleng.
10 October 2012

Mizoram Govt in Tangles Over HPC-D

Aizawl, Oct 10 : The Hmar People's Convention (Democratic) - HPC (D) - has, once again, pushed the Government of Mizoram to another dire strait as it stands its ground firm not to allow the Government of Mizoram to conduct Village Council (VC) elections in Sinlung Hills, the outfit's demand area.

The Government of Mizoram has been desperately trying to conduct the elections as it has already fixed more than one date for filing the nomination papers.

Today, being another last day for filing nominations, no party or candidate turn up to register for the election as the HPC(D) maintains that in the name of democracy the Government of Mizoram has been rendering institutional injustices to the Hmar people on all fronts for decades.

As the extended date draws no candidate the Government is taken by more than a surprise as the VC is seen as the vehicle of delivering grassroots democracy, although significantly determined by the ruling party.

According to sources, representatives of the Government of Mizoram visited the jailed leaders of the HPC (D) in Aizawl Central Jail yesterday to negotiate for a free conduct of the elections.

Unfortunately, the HPC (D) leaders did not hand out any straw to the visiting Government officials. The dogged pursuit by the Government sees no end as they summoned the President of the HPC, Thangliensung today in Aizawl to find a way out of the wall.

“I have no control over the HPC(D) and I haave no authority over them, so my limitations are as clear as the daylight. No doubt, we want peace and solution, but the Governmant as well as the HPC(D) has to be seriously and equally engaged in finding the solution”, Thangliensung said.

Meanwhile, the HPC (D) has laid down conditions for the Government of Mizoram if it is serious about talking to them; the arrested leaders should be released unconditionally. The HPC (D) has also expressed its desire to talk if the condition is fulfilled and if the Government is serious in delivering justice to the Hmar peoples.

With the assembly elections drawing closer, the Congress run Government of Mizoram is putting up its best to show that Mizoram is “militant free” and peaceful.

However, the Mizo National Front and other political parties has been severely accusing the Congress led Government for failing democracy, and for its inability to conduct the Village Council elections and for the non-functioning of the Young Mizo Association (YMA) in the HPC (D) demand area.

A significant section of the Mizos has been taking the uproot of the YMA as humiliation and disgrace, while the Chakma's, Lai and Mara could see the breathe and life of their culture, identity and traditions without the YMA in their respective districts.

A couple of days ago while inaugurating a flower festival, the Home Minister of Mizoram stated that the Government will not spare anyone that challenge the peace and harmony of the State.

The Home Minister also said that if the HPC(D) does not withdraw its stand, it would employ the central security forces to maintain peace and order in the State, which would usher in another disturbed state.

The HPC (D) maintains that securing peace and justice would only be realisable if the Government of Mizoram created a Hmar Autonomous District in the interest of securing welfare, democracy, and just peace. One HPC (D) leaders said: “Sinlung Hills is part of Aizawl district. However, our parts of Aizawl is black and muddy, theirs is white and shining.

Its a difference of day and night.” As the flux is caught in the web, the bigger question is who will draw what for Mizoram to celebrate the “peace bonus?”.

Why Isn’t Assam in Focus?

By S N Chary

It’s a shame that the misery of lakhs of people is a non-issue in a nation that trumpets to be the largest democracy.

The entire country – the politicians across the length and breadth of our nation, a large section of the media, and the ‘common man’ which is another idiom for the middle class in our country who are not really ‘middle’ but a trifle elite in socioeconomic terms – are all busy analysing the economic ‘reforms’ particularly the foreign direct investment (FDI) in retail, insurance and other sectors announced by the Central government, the reactions of the opposition parties such as BJP and Trinamool to these declared measures and the government’s arguments in defence. After the Coalgate, prime minister Manmohan Singh and his colleagues have successfully veered the public (rather, the middle class) attention to the new googly ball of changes in the rules governing the FDI.

It is really distressing and shameful that when a huge calamity has befallen in some parts of the country, no one seems to be bothered. To the north-east of our nation, large parts of the state of Assam are under water due to heavy flooding of the river Brahmaputra. The extent of displacement of people is mind-boggling. Over 30 lakh people are affected and a large portion of them are displaced. The villagers have lost their homes and belongings to the deluge. Some of them are taking refuge in school buildings if and where available. Several are in the open – children, women and old men included. This is supposed to be their ‘temporary’ shelter. However, most of the villagers have permanently lost their homes. Where will they go? How will they manage the rest of their lives?

It is a horror story. In any other country such an issue would have been the main focus of the governments – Central and state. It would have been a huge national concern. It is miserable to find that this matter has come to be a non-issue in a nation that trumpets to the world that it is the largest democracy. Is democracy only regarding voting in the elections? Is the ‘largeness’ only about the number of inhabitants in the country?

If we thought that this was a one-off event, a once in quarter century mishap, we would be wrong. Floods take place with regularity, almost every year in several parts of the country, particularly so in Assam. What did our successive governments do regarding preventive measures? Obviously, nothing. In today’s technologically and managerially advanced world it should not be difficult to find solutions to the problems of meandering Brahmaputra or overflowing Ganga or Mahanadi. Unfortunately, the lives of villagers in remote Assam or interior UP or Orissa come cheap to be sacrificed to the vagaries of the monsoon and the rivers.

Desperate effort

Really speaking, it is not a ‘natural’ calamity; it is the result of an abject neglect by the governments – mainly the Central government and to some extent the state. Because, the government at the Centre claims to be busy with the matters of loosening up FDI norms and increasing the nation’s economic growth - primarily a desperate effort to refurbish its own image abroad.

Prior to the current crisis of floods, five lakh people of Assam became homeless due to the socio-political problems arising out of the unchecked illegal migration of people from Bangladesh and the internecine feuds that would ensue large-scale demographic changes. The Union government has done precious little by way of mitigation of this chronic problem. The media and the news-savvy people of this country seem to have forgotten all about this calamity.

It needs to be clarified at this juncture that the issue is not only about Assam; the latter just happens to be the current victim of calamity. The point is that, most of the times, the government’s priorities have not been right. The entire approach to the problems of this country has increasingly been ‘top-down’. It is assumed that if the top stratum of the society benefits, the same would trickle fast down to the bottom. This is not true.

Even in the definition of the ‘bottom’ there is confusion. The city-dwelling white-collar working class people are not the ‘aam aadmi’. Real India lives in the rural hinterland and in the wretched slums of the cities where people live below the famous Rs 28 a day. The so-called trickle-down is going wrong because the government, the administrative machinery and the political vision and will that drive the machinery are all dysfunctional.

 In this warped economic ‘logic’ borrowed from the West, the present government and the prime minister – who is claimed to be the forerunner of this line of thinking -  tend to overlook the obvious miseries of the multitudes. The miseries could be the daily hardships and the calamitous ones like the mass displacements due the floods of Brahmaputra. The distorted logic of the professed free market can be heady enough to numb the senses to the pains and wails of the suffering lot. It can dull the sight to the malevolence of unbridled corruption and plunder.

 If the rulers in New Delhi think that freeing of FDI, reducing the subsidy on items like diesel and LPG and similar ‘reforms’ will be the magic wand that will do the job they themselves are not doing, they are either living in a world of delusion or they believe that the so-called aam aadmi’s attention can be diverted by economic gimmickry.

(The writer is a former professor at IIM, Bangalore)
09 October 2012

Corruption in Mizoram Chakma Council

Aizawl, Oct 9 : RTI activists from Chakma Autonomous District Council today filed an FIR with the Anti-Corruption Bureau against the council and the Chawngte rural development block for misuse of government funds under various development schemes.

The activists, led by president Onishmoy Chakma and secretary Salil Chakma of the Kamalanagar sub-headquarters branch of the popular RTI organisation Prism, submitted various documents received through RTI along with the FIR.

“We are from a very remote area, neglected by everyone, making it easy for people to go on with their corrupt practices,” Onishmoy Chakma said.

However, he had hopes that the bureau would thoroughly investigate the irregularities and nail the culprits. The FIR also asked the bureau to probe into the allegation that many council employees had got their jobs based on fake certificates.

Recently, after much hue and cry by the public over the appointment of a middle school teacher, it was proved that his graduation certificate was fake.

Where Camp Is A 4-Letter Word

By Ammu Joseph
MORE BATTLES: While the availability of milk and nutritious supplements for children varied from camp to camp, there was no evidence anywhere of educational services. A relief centre in Dhubri district. Photo: Ritu Raj Konwar

MORE BATTLES: While the availability of milk and nutritious supplements for children varied from camp to camp, there was no evidence anywhere of educational services. A relief centre in Dhubri district. Photo: Ritu Raj Konwar

A relief camp in Dhubri district, Assam.
PTI A relief camp in Dhubri district, Assam.

With winter approaching, addressing the issues of livelihood, housing and clothing for those displaced by floods and strife assumes greater urgency in the shelters in Assam
The latest wave of floods in Assam has affected over a million people in 16 of the State’s 27 districts. More than two lakh people displaced by the rising waters that submerged nearly 2,000 villages have sought refuge in over 160 so-called relief camps in Assam. Arunachal Pradesh and Sikkim are also reeling from flash floods and landslides that have claimed at least 35 lives across the three States.
The question is what happens after the initial drama of rescue operations, evacuations, airdropping of food, et al, ends. After all, the present crisis merely compounds the lingering misery and penury from an earlier round of floods, which inundated more than 5,500 villages in 23 districts from mid-June onwards, caused at least 125 deaths, and devastated the already precarious lives of nearly 2.5 million people, washing away homes, livelihoods, livestock and crops.
On a sunny day just before the onset of the renewed deluge, women in Boramari Kocharigaon, a hamlet in Lahorighat block of Morigaon district accessible only by boat, displayed remarkable stoicism as they told visitors that half their village had been lost to the river. They seemed resigned to the prospect of eventually losing their own homes, too, but may not have imagined that their worst fears would come true so soon. Many, if not all, of them must now have joined previously displaced neighbours living in makeshift shelters on either side of a narrow mud path at a slightly higher level than the surrounding areas.

Erosion, silent factor

Many such slender ridges host recurrent batches of refugees dislocated over the years by the mighty, magnificent and capricious Brahmaputra, brimming over now, shifting course every now and then. Some have been living in such “temporary” homes for years. It is difficult to imagine where others currently residing along the crumbling banks of the river and its tributaries — sure to be dislodged sooner rather than later — will retreat to.
The silent emergency of erosion does not make news but it has reportedly claimed nearly 4,000 square kilometres of land, destroying more than 2,500 villages and displacing over five million people in Assam. According to a recent study by Archana Sarkar of the National Institute of Hydrology (NIH) and R.D. Garg and Nayan Sharma of IIT-Roorkee, 1,053 sq. km. was lost to erosion between 1990 and 2008.
The figures come to life as a young civil servant mentions in passing that his own village no longer exists. Further probing into this astonishing statement revealed that not only his village, South Salmara in Dhubri district, but several neighbouring ones had also vanished. He estimates that nearly 70 per cent of the South Salmara-Mankachar subdivision is now in the Brahmaputra. The NIH/IIT-R study confirms that on the north bank of the river Dhubri has lost the maximum area (104 sq. km.) to erosion.
Assam’s State Disaster Management Authority is reportedly seeking recognition for erosion as an ongoing disaster requiring an urgent, concerted, multi-pronged and sustained response that can address the short- and long-term basic and livelihood needs of the affected population, as well as environmental concerns.
The recent rains must have also worsened the situation in several so-called camps where large numbers of people continue to live in abysmal conditions over two months after being displaced by the conflict that erupted in late July in parts of Lower Assam located within the Bodoland Territorial Administrative District. A substantial section of the nearly five lakh people who fled to nearly 350 camps then have apparently managed to return home. But close to 40 per cent of them are still in over 200 camps, having lost their houses and assets to arson and looting, or held back by the land verification process initiated by the State government and the Bodoland Territorial Council, or simply too frightened to return to villages in areas dominated by the “other” community involved in the violence.
A day after the latest downpour began, the camp in Bhawaraguri in Chirang district was already ankle-deep in water. “Camp” is actually a misleading misnomer. People from seven nearby villages, including some Bengali-speaking Hindus, who had sought sanctuary in the village boasting a significant number of educated, professional Bengali-speaking Muslims, have had to vacate local schools to enable them to reopen. They were in the process of fashioning provisional shelters for themselves in the low-lying school ground, using whatever materials they could somehow secure. Members of the Bodo and Rajbongshi communities still staying at the Mongolian Bazar camp in Noyapara (Chirang) faced the prospect of moving into the slushy school compound as classes were soon due to resume after the extended break. In Gambaribeel (Kokrajhar), the space where temporary housing was to be provided for the Bodo families currently living in and around the local school was also waterlogged. The rudimentary shacks housing well over 10,000 Bengali-speaking people in a huge open field near Kembolpur in the Gossaingaon subdivision of Kokrajhar district were hardly weatherproof either.

Health services

Considering the health hazards posed by such living conditions it was encouraging to learn that delivery of public health services was fairly regular and on the whole satisfactory, though mental health is obviously a neglected area despite the evident trauma induced by violence, fear and displacement. Nutrition is clearly a problem, with official food relief essentially restricted to rice and dal, occasionally augmented by potatoes. While the availability of milk and nutritious supplements for children varied from camp to camp, there was no evidence anywhere of educational services. Local schools are belatedly beginning to reopen but they are unlikely to be able to accommodate all the displaced children, especially from densely populated camps. Residents of Bhawaraguri were worried about the future of older students, too, with persistent safety concerns preventing them from travelling to attend college. Clothes were also in short supply, with most people having fled homes in panic and few usable garments distributed by way of relief, official or non-governmental.
No one seems to know if and when the nearly two lakh people still living in camps — at least 85 per cent of them Bengali-speaking Muslims — will be enabled to return to their villages or provided with decent temporary accommodation elsewhere. Livelihood remains a challenge for many of those who have ventured home but face an unofficial economic boycott. With winter approaching, the issues of housing, clothing, and so on, assume even greater urgency. Clearly there is much to be done long after the water recedes and violence subsides.
(Ammu Joseph accompanied the Oxfam India team visiting areas where the organisation is providing humanitarian assistance to disaster and conflict affected people in Assam. Email: ammujo@gmail.com)