Hornbill Fest Kicks Off in Style

Kohima, Dec 3 : The 13th Hornbill Festival of Nagaland 2012 got underway on Saturday at the Naga Heritage Complex, Kisama, amid much fanfare.

Addressing the gathering as the chief guest, Nagaland governor Nikhil Kumar said the festival has become an important event not only in the state but in the entire country as is evident from the presence of people from different parts of the country.

Welcoming delegates from Myanmar, who have come to attend the festival, he pointed out the number of people witnessing the festival has been increasing over the years. The governor also extended his greetings to people for the Statehood Day, which coincided with the festival inauguration.

State chief minister Neiphiu Rio held aloft the festival, organized by the state government, as a popular annual tourism promotion event and a coming together of all components of the society. Over the years, the festival has gained in stature and popularity and has become a unique platform for tourists to witness the cultural diversity of the people of Nagaland, the chief minister said.

Rio enumerated a series of events to take place during the week-long festivities like a national rock contest, international motor rally, art festival, cultural show, fashion shows and the recently added Young Naga Achievers Award, etc. He lauded the organizers for the endeavour and emphasized upon the need for peace and tranquility in the state, urging one and all to maintain peace in the land.

The young achievers award was given out to Chekrovolu Swuro, the Naga Olympian at the London Olympics 2012; Nise Meruno, renowned soloist and musician who has performed with his group at international events and Atouzo, a young Naga entrepreneur based in the US who has worked with world famous celebrities. The award consisted of one million rupees, a citation and a memento.

Each Year More Than 100,000 Amur Falcons Are Killed In Nagaland

Each year thousands of migratory Amur falcons (Falco amurensis) are hunted by locals in the Indian State of Nagaland during their passage through that region. On November 1, 2012, Shashank Dalvi and Ramki Sreenivasan first documented the massacre at Indian online campaign site ‘Conservation India‘.
Every October, a large numbers of Amur falcons arrive in northeast India and Bangladesh from Siberia en route to their final destination — Somalia, Kenya and South Africa. Amur falcons travel up to 22,000 km in a year, in one of the longest migration routes of all birds.

Amur Falcon (Falco Amurensis). Image by Alastair Rae, from Wikipedia. CC BY-SA.

Last month a group of activists (Ramki Sreenivasan from Conservation India, Shashank Dalvi, Bano Haralu, Rokohebi Kuotsu) travelled to Nagaland to check out information that thousands of falcons were being hunted annually on the banks of the Doyang reservoir during their passage through that region. They accompanied a hunting group and documented the massacre:

The Amurs spend the day on the transmission wires (almost entirely inaccessible to hunters) and descend to forested patches along the banks of the reservoir to roost (see map). The hunters ruthlessly exploit this particular behavior and set-up huge fishing nets (30-40m long, 10-12m tall) all over the roosting sites.
Birds get caught in the nets in large numbers. These birds get tangled in the nets while they come to roost during late evenings or when they leave the roost early in the morning. The nets were permanent and the hunters come every morning to remove the trapped birds. The nets were observed over the entire roosting area giving virtually no safe area for the birds. Branches and paths were cleared to set up the nets.

Here is a video of the terrible proceedings (warning: graphic images):

The Amur Falcon Massacre, Doyang, Nagaland from Conservation India on Vimeo.

Now the shocking figures:

Each hunting group had set-up at least 10 nets. On an average, 18 birds (18.30, n=23) were caught per net; hence each group catches about 180 birds per day. This was confirmed with interviews with hunters. We were also informed that about 60-70 hunting groups operate every day. This means during the peak migration about 12,000 to 14,000 birds are caught everyday.

Each bird is sold door-to-door in nearby villages as a fresh food for a price of about Rs. 25 ($0.5). Reports say local villagers can earn a few thousand rupees by selling the smoked Amur falcons. It may be noted that Amur killing is illegal and banned by the local authorities since 2010.
This story went viral and news quickly spread around the world shocking many people. There were a number of petitions online. Soon other popular sites like National Geographic highlighted the issue and called for a global solution. National Geographic commented:

The local people filmed by Conservation India catching Amur falcons, breaking their wings, sorting them, smoking them, and trading in them, cannot possibly enjoy this annual activity and do this purely for money and trade goods.

Amur Falcons being extracted from the net by hunters. Screenshot from the video by Conservation India.

Birdlife International wrote:

The recent trapping and slaughter appears to have been taking place on an ‘industrial scale’ and unless stopped will clearly have a devastating affect on the birds’ global population at these unsustainable levels.

The site also confirms that with the help of their advocacy the following happened:

The Honourable Minister (for environment and forests), Miss Jayanthi Natarajan personally intervened and The Indian Forest Department and District Administration also acted fast to destroy nets and release several still-captive falcons. The sale of falcons has now been stopped and at least one person has already been jailed.

However, hunters in Nagaland has defied the ban for many years and it may happen again in future without changing behaviors of the hunters. The Chief Wildlife Warden, Nagaland, Dimapur stated in a press note:

Seizing and releasing of the birds from the possession of the offenders did not discourage them but rather, they resented and rebelled against the action taken and continued their offence.

The press note also talks about education and awareness campaign for the local villagers and stakeholders as a future course of action.
According to latest news the State department of forest, ecology, environment and wildlife has directed district forest officers (DFOs) of Mokokchung, Zunheboto and Wokha districts to immediately ban the act of capturing and killing of Amur Falcon.
Bogdan Draganescu comments at the Conservation India post:

Just because these birds are numerous and are not on the verge of extinction, does not mean they are food for humans. animals should be respected not only as individuals but also as groups and societies. just as a flock of birds is. a living entity and a result of evolution of life. this is what we have to respect and conserve.

Written by Rezwan

Korea Out Of Kohima

By Devjyot Ghoshal

New Delhi Nov 24 : Nagaland ’s fascination with all things Korea n is a thing of the past. Japanese fashion and Bollywood movies are now the in thing with the fashion-forward Naga youth. Devjyot Ghoshal finds out what led to the disillusionment with Seoul.

The steep streets of Kohima , that once reverberated to everything Korean, are now a smorgasbord of different influences as the current generation of Naga youth, who have grown up in the afterglow of India’s oldest insurgency, attempts to piece together a distinct identity.

Theja Meru , a 42-year-old entrepreneur and musician, was the improbable matchmaker of Nagaland’s short-lived romance with Korea and its cultural paraphernalia. At its climax, in the last few years of the past decade, the father of two says that Korean culture had permeated into Nagaland's social fabric so deeply that he was able to convince the state government to open its coffers for the India-Korea Music Festival in 2008.

Some 7,000 people had poured out into the streets at that event. Korean musicians strode on the stage; the state’s political leadership stood in attendance; and it looked as if there could actually be a platform for Nagaland’s young people to connect with a large cultural entity other than India. Then it all slowly crumbled away. “My regret is that it didn’t go in the direction it could have,” Meru admits, his usually animated face suddenly quiescent. “It never reached the size it could have.”

The darkened college-side teashops and kerbside gatherings in Nagaland cities are no longer dominated by Korean cuts or clothes. Instead, the street now harbours aficionados of punk, emo, rock and metal. In the trend-setting corridors of high schools, Tokyo has taken over from where Seoul walked out; from Manga-inspired hair to graphic shirts, there's a new subculture brewing.

Ramshackle barber shops, swank clothes outlets and dank second-hand garment markets have all adjusted. For the latter, it is the nature of imports from Bangkok that has changed. In the numerous CD and DVD shops, Korean films and soaps must now compete with Thai, Japanese or even Bollywood productions.

And more institutionalised entities, such as a Korean club in Kohima that Meru started in 2007 and the Korean language classes that were held there with government backing, too, have either failed or are about to. At the Hornbill Festival, the state's big December festivity that was a former showcase of this unusual cultural interaction, other preoccupations have taken centrestage.

The Korean monopoly stands broken. Nagaland is over Gangnam Style, even as the world today swoons over PSY's billboard topping song.

* * *

The Koreans have a word for it: Hallyu, the Korean wave. It describes a seemingly unstoppable surge of Korean entertainment, fashion and music. The Hallyu started trickling into Nagaland through Arirang TV, a Korean television channel, about a decade ago. Then, it turned into a torrent as Arirang clearly became, with no official validation, the state’s most watched television channel.

No one is quite sure exactly how and precisely when it happened, but Akum Longchari , publisher and editor of Morung Express, one of Nagaland’s largest English dailies, suspects it had to do with the state’s relative isolation. “The media became the window for the Nagas to the outside world. When we were closed [during the height of the insurgency] the window to the world was television.”

Although Indian television existed throughout, including lacklustre Doordarshan, when stability returned to Nagaland, there remained a sense of animosity towards the “mainland”, often used to refer to sub-continental India. The presence of a strong oral tradition that kept alive the Nagas’ memories of the bloody and painful insurgency ensured that they did not have “a natural liking for the mainland”, explains Meru. “So there was a natural search for an alternative, especially for the urban population.”

Arirang TV fed that hunger. “Maybe there are similarities in values; the tension between generations, for instance,” reflects Longchari. But much more conspicuous are the shared Mongoloid phenotypic traits. For a young Naga, the physical resemblance to a Korean pop-star is much stronger than, say, that with Anil Kapoor or any other Bollywood star. And in a state that is predominantly Christian, where the older generation doesn’t speak Hindi, the family dramas of a Gujarati or Marwari household were alien. “Arirang came straight into their houses and young people here probably felt ethnically connected to the Koreans,” reasons Himato Zhimoni, Nagaland’s commissioner and secretary for tourism, art & culture.

Meanwhile, in neighbouring Manipur, local insurgent groups seeking to safeguard indigenous culture banned Hindi films and music. The substitutes, pirated CDs and DVDs, poured into Moreh, a small border town, from Myanmar and found their way into Nagaland. These were cheap — and remain so, at about Rs 80 for a DVD — and well-packaged, with beautiful young actors on the covers. “Korean soaps started doing very well. They were family dramas, emotional with lots of crying and sometimes 30 or 40 episodes long. And with English subtitles,” recalls Meru, “People would watch them through the night.”

Alongside came K-Pop, Korea’s home-grown popular music genre, which caught on fast in this society imbued with the Western musical sensibilities that proselytising Christian missionaries brought with them. Seoul-born entertainer Rain became bigger than Mumbai’s Himesh Reshammiya. That was followed by the arrival of distinctly Korean hairstyles, perfected at local barbershops and salons, and clothes, flown in from Bangkok, to craft that perfect “look” that Nagaland’s fashion-forward teenagers demanded. And so, the Hallyu was embraced.

* * *

“Initially, it was just a lifestyle thing,” says Meru, “But we wanted to get into it and channelise it, instead of condemning it. Korea isn’t just about fashion and entertainment. It’s an economic powerhouse, with a strong work culture and business skills. We wanted to bring that here.”

For young Nagas, thus, this fascination with Korean culture was a sort of rebellion from “mainland” India. “They symbolise progress, development and sovereignty. It’s everything we dream of. Korean culture was very big. Almost everyone was into in,” acknowledges Vizono Khesoh, a 20-year-old sociology student at Kohima’s Baptist College, “It is about our desire to be different.”

In 2007, Meru founded the Arirang TV Fan Club, a platform for young people with an interest in Korea. At its peak, the club had over a hundred registered members, many of who helped create and manage a separate Korean Pavilion at the Hornbill Festival in 2007. The Nagaland government sponsored a few to even travel to Kolkata, the nearest metropolis, to learn Korean and subsequently, language classes were started at Dream Cafe, Meru’s coffee shop in Kohima. “The government support was massive,” he says.

So massive, in fact, that Nagaland’s chief minister, Neiphiu Rio, himself travelled to the Arirang TV headquarters in Seoul to plan an India-Korea Music Festival, which was eventually hosted during the Hornbill Festival in December 2008 at the cost of some Rs 25 lakh. The Arirang brass, too, attended. All this, with an informal understanding, Meru claims, that Naga artists would be invited to perform in Korea the following year. “But the next year, Korea didn’t really respond,” he says, “And I came under pressure.”

The state government, having been cold-shouldered by its East Asian counterpart, eventually lost interest, and by the middle of 2009, Meru stepped away from the Arirang TV Fan Club. Those who had led the Korean language classes also moved on. “If only their government had invited people from here, it wouldn’t have ended like this,” laments Meru. Without institutional support, the Hallyu waned.

* * *

Yet, the Naga search for an identity continues, and in it lies an opportunity for the “mainland” to re-engage with young people here who often feel left out on the fringes, both psychologically and physically.

“We are still very confused about ourselves. From a society of head-hunters, we directly shifted into a modern, Western society. We are in the middle of an identity crisis,” says final-year college student Anen Molungnenla.

While that has meant that foreign cultures are openly embraced, in recent years it has also resulted in sub-continental influences, particularly Bollywood, making deeper inroads into Naga society. “Our fathers lived through and experienced widespread violence. Now, that fear has receded and we are more open, but there’s still some reservation. We don’t know if we’ll be accepted for who we are,” says Anen’s classmate, Vizono.

But the change is slowly becoming visible. In CD and DVD shops, the sales of Bollywood films have increased substantially, say local shopkeepers, and in clothes outlets, demand for branded products is booming. “Five years ago, brands didn’t matter. Now, maybe because of promotions, it’s got into their minds. Everyone wants to buy branded clothes. Even Class VI students want Adidas,” says James, the manager of Gravity. With some 8,000 square feet of display space and 24 staff in the heart of Kohima, Gravity clocks sales worth around Rs 40 lakh every month, he claims.

And college students here, like Anen and Vizono, admit that they spend “almost all of their pocket money” on clothes, accessories and hair. It’s not as if parents don’t show concern, particularly at absurd haircuts and flashy clothes, they add, and the loss of indigenous Naga culture. But in living room conversation with older Nagas, parents admit that they would rather live with their children doing this than with drugs, a problem that was once rampant in Nagaland.

Overriding it all, however, is a latent desire among young Nagas to become part of India’s economic growth story. “We want development. Schools, colleges, hospitals and things like that. There’s so much talent here but no way to expose it,” says Vizono, whose big discovery from a recent trip to Bangalore was “black-topped roads everywhere. This is the best time to engage with us. We want to connect with the mainstream.”

That mainstream, ironically, now swings to Gangnam Style.

Peace Sells But Who’s Buying It?

Afer secret parleys with the government, Th Muivah will meet other rebel outfits to push for a peace deal. But will they let him dictate the agenda? Avalok Langer reports
The masterminds Isak Swu (left) and Thuingaleng Muivah are confident of sealing a peace deal by March

NAGALAND IS buzzing with a sense of anticipation that a solution to the six-decade-long Indo-Naga political dispute is within reach. The sentiment was given a boost when National Socialist Council of Nagaland-IM leaders Thuingaleng Muivah and Isak Swu announced in Dimapur last week that a deal could be reached as early as March next year. However, having held talks with the Government of India (GoI) in isolation and secrecy, the biggest question is, will the solution — which will, in all probability, be only for the British-created state of Nagaland that will act as a political umbrella for all Nagas — and the leadership of Muivah, a Thankul Naga from Manipur, be accepted?

The problem stems from the fact that the NSCN(IM) has not involved the other groups in the negotiations, keeping their dialogue a secret. What compounds the secrecy is that the allegiance to the groups is along tribal lines. Some tribes support the IM, while others back the Naga National Council (NNC), Kitovi-Khole and so on; the IM alone doesn’t have the Naga mandate.

“The NSCN(IM) leaders treat Naga sovereignty as if it is their private property. They don’t want to share power and position, not realising that no single group has a monopoly over the Naga nation,” says Father Abraham Lotha, a Naga intellectual. “The IM leadership has always said, ‘We will take it to the Naga people and their decision will be ultimate.’ The problem is that the IM has not taken the proceedings of any negotiations with the GoI to the Naga people. The Naga public have not been given their due respect and place, nor have their democratic rights been respected. What will the people decide if they don’t know on what point to decide?”

While the NSCN(IM) leaders are trying to meet other groups on their present visit, a disconnect stemming from a lack of information has left the faction sequestered. “The biggest problem the GoI is facing is what to do with Muivah. He may bring a solution and from what I have gathered from my sources in Delhi, it will be for Nagaland state,” says Daniel*, a member of NSCN(Kitovi-Khole). “But given that he is from Manipur, the people will never accept his leadership. The GoI will have to create space for him in Manipur.”

Michael*, a Naga author who has travelled extensively across all Naga areas (in Assam, Manipur, Arunachal, Nagaland and Myanmar), agrees, “In my opinion, 95 percent of Nagas will not accept Muivah’s leadership. Many victims of the IM’s political anti-NNC purges are itching to get their revenge on him for killing over 3,000 Nagas in pursuit of his political ambitions.”

NSCN(IM) The leadership is holding meetings with different groups to ensure they have popular support for the solution. While absolute sovereignty seems out of the question, a political sovereignty that doesn’t interfere with India’s territorial integrity seems to be on the cards

Having opposed Nagaland’s statehood and the Shillong Accord, the NSCN(IM) and others have pushed for sovereignty, causing misery to the local populace. So, it becomes difficult for any group to go in for a settlement short of complete sovereignty without facing a backlash.

OVER THE years, sovereignty has progressively redefined itself as an alternative arrangement from a Jammu & Kashmir-like status to the one enjoyed by Bhutan. So, when The Indian Express recently announced that the NSCN(IM) had accepted the Indian Constitution, there was a wave of public criticism, with the general consensus being, “Why has the NSCN(IM) fought for 40 years only to accept what Nagaland already enjoys?” The report resulted in a quick clarification from the IM, but the truth is, no one knows what the broad outlines of the solution are.

The NSCN(IM) would not only be concerned about a public backlash, but they would also be carefully calculating the reactions of other groups who are opportunistically waiting to ridicule IM and project themselves as the real deal.

Over the past few months, different groups have been making moves to secure their future. After the June 2011 split in NSCN(K), where the chairman SS Khaplang, a Burmese Naga who had originally teamed up with Muivah and Swu when they broke away from the NNC, was ‘impeached’ by Kitovi Zhimomi and Gen Khole Konyak, Khaplang has seemingly shifted his focus solely onto Myanmar, making him “irrelevant” to the Indo-Naga talks.

It’s difficult for any group to go in for a settlement short of full sovereignty without facing a big backlash

According to sources, he recently signed a seven-point agreement with the Myanmar government, which ensures an unconditional ceasefire and the withdrawal of the army from all 11 Naga districts in Myanmar, which will now be policed and administered by Khaplang.

However, having secured his base in Myanmar, Khaplang will now play spoilsport on the Indian side of the border. “Despite having announced his support for the ongoing talks and non-interference, the NSCN(K) is continuing to push into Arunachal and eastern Nagaland. They won’t allow a final solution to materialise. They continue to provide a safe haven to Manipuri and Assamese underground groups to destabilise the region,” says a source.

The outsider SS Khaplang is planning to expand his operations while staying in Myanma

Having impeached Khaplang, Kitovi and Khole have been working to establish themselves as a force to reckon with. From the start, they had broken away from the idea of integration of all Naga areas in Assam, Manipur, Nagaland, Arunachal and Myanmar into ‘Nagalim’ (greater Nagaland) and spoken only of a solution for the Nagaland state.

They have endorsed Khaplang’s moves in Myanmar and are also supporting the growing demand for an alternative arrangement in Manipur. The hope is that Muivah will get his political space in Manipur, while Khaplang remains in Myanmar and the Nagas of Nagaland create their own political structure. They have already started the groundwork to get popular support before they propose an alternative solution to the GoI.

NSCN(K) Khaplang has already established his writ in the Naga areas of Myanmar. As of now, he will wait and watch, but he is eager to hold on to Tirap and Changlang in Arunachal, something that has the Arunachal government worried

“The different factions are too full of themselves; they suffer from opportunism and one-upmanship. No results delivered, of course,” laments Father Abraham. “All the underground factions want to control Dimapur, the land of milk and honey. Meanwhile, extortion is rampant; they all take money that belongs to the people.”

Twice in the past two months, members of the Joint Legislature Forum, a collective representing all 60 MLAs of Nagaland cutting across party lines, made their way to New Delhi to assert their willingness to resign and make way for an interim government as part of the final solution. “The 2013 election will happen because both the GoI and NSCN(IM) are not ready for a solution,” says Abong*, a researcher. “The political parties are pushing for an early solution and when it falls through, they will say, ‘We did our best. We are committed but the underground isn’t ready’, and thereby derive maximum mileage from the situation.”

On the other hand, having signed a ceasefire, the GoI has been playing a waiting game. “Muivah, Swu and Khaplang are all in their late 80s. They want to secure something concrete in their lifetime so that they are immortalised and the next generation has something to build on,” says a senior intelligence officer, hinting that if they die, the movement will disintegrate.

‘In Nagaland, guns define power, so who will be willing to give up their arms?’ asks Father Abraham Lotha

What the GoI doesn’t realise is that the next generation of the Naga underground is much better trained and educated. The NSCN(IM) has sent many of their political wonks abroad to be trained in governance.

Given that Muivah and Swu have not been in Nagaland since the 1970s, it is the next tier of leadership that has built the organisation on the ground. Khaplang has already established a secure base in Myanmar and his next generation will be much more aggressive and violent.

While a solution draws closer, many questions remain unanswered, especially the one on sovereignty. While Indian sovereignty is defined in terms of Westphalian and functional sovereignty, in Nagaland, sovereignty resides in the village council. Naga democracy, similar to the Greek city states, is a direct democracy. “If India really wants a solution, they should agree to give the Nagas sovereignty. Since the GoI looks at sovereignty as functional sovereignty whereas among the Nagas, it is a way of life, both systems can coexist. It is just a question of semantics and India embracing her federal structure,” says Abong.

Whatever the solution and whoever implements it, an interim government will have to be formed first. No matter what anyone says, the NSCN(IM) cannot be discounted as they are the ones in the driver’s seat; they will be a part of the interim government. Otherwise, the solution will not hold and the state will slip into violence. But what happens when the newly created system goes in for elections?

NSCN(KK) It is working on creating a larger political base within the state. They strongly feel that Nagas from Nagaland should implement the political solution and integration will happen once the Nagas have established themselves

“With the solution, a plan for disarmament is a must,” says Father Abraham. “In Nagaland, guns define power, so who will be willing to give up their arms? But this is an issue that needs to be brought up. When the solution comes, it will be imposed as it has not been discussed with the people and the NSCN(IM) doesn’t have the complete mandate of the people. They can’t survive without arms.”

Another factor is that the groups don’t trust each other, nor do they trust the GoI. If the NSCN(IM) and NSCN(KK) disarm, the door will be open for the Khaplang faction to push in and take over. This creates a Catch-22 situation; there cannot be a lasting solution or peace without disarmament, but given the trust deficit, disarmament will lead to the loss of realistic deterrence and thereby cause more violence. A committee similar to the UN committee set up in Nepal to rehabilitate and disarm the Maoists could be an option. It is suggested that the Indian Army will absorb a few thousand cadres and a separate Naga army will stand guard, but this remains conjecture.

Renegades Kitovi Zhimomi (centre) and Khole Konyak are charting their own course

Over the next few months, the NSCN(IM) will have to work closely with the people of Nagaland as well as other underground groups to ensure that the solution they bring will be accepted. And the GoI will have to convince Manipur, Nagaland and Assam to create a special status for the Naga areas within their states (the chief ministers of Manipur and Arunachal have already been approached) if they want the solution to hold and allow India to develop the Northeast and actively open up the region for trade with Myanmar.

AS IT stands today, sovereignty in its historical sense and the integration of all Naga-dominated areas into one political unit is not an option. However, given the flexibility of the Indian Constitution and its Article 371 A, which gives Nagaland a special status ensuring that its land and natural resources cannot be touched by the Centre, their cultural and historical systems take precedence (many people don’t go to the police or court, rather get their justice from tribal and village councils). So, a formal recognition of Naga aspirations will go a long way without changing much on the ground.

While the Centre has reasons to be worried about the impact in J&K of giving Nagas ‘sovereignty’, in truth, each problem has to be dealt with on its own merits. After years of conflict, if New Delhi wants to develop the region and prepare them for trade as a part of the Look East policy, peace and progress are the need of the hour.

*Names changed to protect identities

Avalok Langer is a Senior Correspondent with Tehelka.
avalok@tehelka.com

Rebel With A Cause

By Mohan Menon

Denim was classic anti-establishment material; to wear it was to wear your rebellious streak. - K. ANANTHAN

Appealing to the non-conformist in a consumer is a winning strategy for marketers.

This is not a twisted take on the title of that famous movie starring the late James Dean. In fact, the title may as well have been: ‘Wear your rebellion’.

The young and restless have always had ways of thumbing their noses at the establishment.

The genesis of this article is a feature I once read about young Naga men and women dressed in high-fashion clothes, not Italian or French or any famous label … but mainly Korean!

This called for an investigation, I said to myself. Before I could reach for my deerstalker hat and magnifying glass, the answer appeared. Korean pop culture landed in Nagaland to huge applause thanks to the advent of a Korean TV channel.

It also happened to feature high fashion that would have been quite at home on the Via Veneto or Champs Elysees. Korean fashion resonated tellingly with the sentiments of young Nagas, especially since many of the models looked like, yes, young Nagas.

Why do young Nagas shun Indian clothes with a vengeance? Thereby hangs a tale. (See box)

Wearing your rebellion, of course, is not just politically motivated.

Tapping into this streak has always been a goldmine for marketers.

Denim is a classic case. What started out as a fabric for workmen became a statement, often of rebellion. Denim straddles a wide spectrum from rough casual clothes to high fashion, all tinged with that provocative je ne sais quoi. Denim may have had its ups and downs but then it has always made a comeback stronger than ever. Think about it. It’s the only such fabric in the world that laughs in your face if you are the ‘stiff upper lip’ kind and gets away with it.

Clothing is, of course, a natural for displaying an in-your-face rebellious streak.

Could you use rebellion for selling a car?

Well many years ago the Beetle did that by confronting those gigantic American cars and winning.

A Bentley that drives up may evoke admiration and envy. Let’s say it sported a streak of denim (as indeed some bespoke models do). Then it’s unlikely to be dismissed as some rich fat cat’s toy.

Suddenly it’s a statement that the owner may be rich, but not exactly in love with the establishment.

In an age of ballpoint pens and jotters, a fountain pen could cleverly be projected as an instrument of rebellion. Or even more impractically, a quill and a bottle of ink for desk use. All we need is to electrify our minds and one could use rebellion in unusual ways and settings.

Conformity is ho-hum . Or as Fido Dido put it so memorably, “Normal is Boring.”

When the Church entered Nagaland years ago, the Nagas were dressed in next to nothing.

The priests, after converting them to Christianity, promptly forced them to give up their ‘pagan’ ways and urged them to wear clothing, Western clothing. After years of being under British rule, the Nagas loathed the idea of losing their identity and becoming part of India. Years of strife and militancy followed which culminated in the formation of Nagaland.

Young Nagas were, however, not so easily appeased. And one way to show their defiance was to shun Indian modes of dress and wear only fashionable Western attire.

Mohan Menon, ad man, is a founder director of the Chennai Business School.

Neiphiu Rio Wants Emotional Integration of Nagas

New Delhi, Oct 19 : Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio said if physical integration of contiguous Naga-inhabited territories is not possible, there should at least be emotional integration to resolve the Naga insurgency.

Perhaps, Rio has in mind a body that unites the Nagas irrespective of which state they live while thinking aloud of an emotional integration. Already, there is the Naga Ho Ho, an apex tribal council where various Naga tribes are represented. Last month, a Naga Ho Ho delegation met various political leaders here for a peaceful solution. While working out a solution, the government could mull institutionalizing the Naga Ho Ho, said a source drawing an analogy with the SGPC that unites Sikhs in matters of religion.

Peace talks began with the NSCN (IM) 15 years ago. In the last two years, interlocutors led by 1972 batch IAS officer R S Pandey could impress upon the rebel leaders that though the Constitution allows redrawing state boundaries for Naga integration, it is fraught with practical problems. Also, India won't agree to "secession of an inch of its territory". There are indications that the rebels have understood India's imperatives.

For an "honourable settlement" of the issue, the Centre can concede certain special rights in governance and development relating to Naga identity, culture, land and autonomy, said a source. The Centre is also mulling autonomous councils in Naga inhabited areas in Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh like those for Bodos in Assam or Gorkhas in West Bengal, said a source.

For this, skilful negotiation in a short time between the Centre, concerned states, interlocutors and the Nagas is required for a win-win solution acceptable to all. "The solution should be inclusive," said Rio.

He insisted this is the most opportune time for the Indian government to resolve the "Naga political issue". "The people of Nagaland want peace. They are fed up with extortion and illegal activities. The Naga nationalist underground groups have never come as close to the state and central government as now," he said. Leader of Naga insurgent group NSCN (IM), Th Muivah, too, is ready for settlement.

Rio said this was the most "opportune time" for the Centre to come up with a permanent solution to the 65-year-old struggle. "If this opportunity is missed, I don't know whether we will get such a chance in our lifetime," said Rio.

For an embattled UPA government suffering from policy paralysis, it seems to be an uphill task.

Naga Band Video Nominated For MTV Europe Music Awards

Painted Dreams by Alobo Naga And The Band from Dimapur in Nagaland has been nominated under Best Indian Act/Worldwide Act A hit video by a band from Nagaland which featured in VH1's International Top 10 Chart Busters is among five Indian singles to be nominated for the MTV Europe Music Awards to be held in Frankfurt in November.

Painted Dreams by Alobo Naga And The Band from Dimapur in Nagaland has been nominated under Best Indian Act/Worldwide Act.

The other Indian groups in the list are Bandish Projekt (Lover Ft, Monica Dogra), the iconic Indus Creed (Fireflies) and Menwhopause (Easy) and singer-songwriter Oliver Sean (So good final movie).

The voting process has started in the MTV EMA 2012 official website and will end on October 14.

The video single Painted Dreams was the official theme song of prestigious 1st Guwahati International Short Film Festival (GISFF), 2011. It was conceptualised and directed by Prithish and Puja Chakraborty from Creovaent Productions, Guwahati.

"It's incredible; we are just speechless with the nomination. It's a proud moment for us and the entire northeast and especially for our musicians," said an excited Alobo Naga, the vocalist of the band.

"The nomination to this global platform shows the opportunities that are now open for western musicians from the northeast," said Prithish.

Painted Dreams was ranked among the Top 50 international music videos of 2011 by US channel VH1. It also featured at number four in VH1's International Top 10 Chart Busters, a list which had the likes of Lady Gaga, Christina Aguilera and Pitbull.

US Band To Rock Nagaland

Kohima, Sep 21 : Come Saturday, Kohima will be rocked by world famous Christian heavy metal band Stryper, from Orange County, California, US.

It will perform in Dimapur on Sunday.

This will be its first international concert in India.

The four-member band, a household name in Nagaland, will belt out their latest songs and collection of greatest hits like To Hell With The Devil, Honestly and Calling On You.

Michael Sweet tweeted that they were coming to India with certain amount of excitement. "God bless and see you," he tweeted.

Tickets are being sold like hot cakes for the Kohima and Dimapur shows at Indira Gandhi Stadium and Dimapur District Sports Complex.

The turnout in Kohima is expected to be huge as tickets are almost sold out, according to organiser Chakhroma Spor-ts Association. The tickets are pegged at Rs 1,000 and Rs 500.

The band members have already left for India from Washington DC, according to sources. The concert will also feature local bands Mengu Suokhrie and his group, Clueless Attention and Candence.

Stryper, originally known as Roxx Regime, was formed by brothers Michael and Robert Sweet and guitarist Oz Fox in 1984. Stryper stands for "Salvation Through Redemption Yielding Peace, Encouragement and Righteousness".

The Isaiah 53:5 under their logo is the Bible verse that states "by His stripes we are healed".

The band released its debut mini-album, The Yellow And Black Attack in 1984. Its first full-length release, Soldiers Under Command, sold over half a million units worldwide in the eighties, and stayed on Billboard's Top 200 album chart for over 40 weeks.

Nagaland Students Organize 1st Naga Fest in Delhi

By Shreya Roy Chowdhury

New Delhi, Sep 20 : A batch of students from Nagaland, studying in various Delhi-based universities, decided they wanted to get to know the other Nagas in the city better. And while they were at it, they figured they'd try to help their people back home in Nagaland as well. NagaFest, set to take place at Talkatora Stadium on September 19, was conceived in January.

"Few of us thought, why not?" says Nokho Nekhya, convenor of the organizing committee of the fest which will include music performances, food, clothes and tattoo stalls. "There are 20,000 nagas staying in Delhi. But we never get an opportunity to come together. Also, the ones coming here are the cream of the Naga society.

It is our responsibility to put other before ourselves," says Nekhya, 23, a student till very recently. NagaFest will not end with a fest. The 20-member organizing committee and the 100-odd volunteers it has drawn are going to stay on for other projects. On in the works is a conference on entrepreneurship end of this year or beginning of the next.

Encouraging entrepreneurship among the "indigenous people" of Nagaland is one of the group's long-term plans. "Most people - about 70% of them - in the state depend on the government. We want them to train them to be self-sustained. The conference will be about small-scale industries in rural areas as there are many who have studied by haven't got jobs," says Nekhya.

The group has the support of American organization, Indigenous Foundation. It is paying for the venue of the September fest where about 3,000 people are expected. There are performances by Rewben Mashangva , a folk musician influenced by Bob Dylan and Bob Marley and whose own music is described as "Naga folk blues." Another band playing tradition Naga music with a dash of western elements is Purple Fusion.

The show is being run mainly by students. Volunteers were drawn at smaller functions organized by the Naga Students' Union, Delhi. With the union, explains, Nyekha, there are "tribal unions."

"There are 35 Naga students bodies in the city. We'd go to events organized by them and ask people to contribute. We told them we have to everything without expecting anything in return," she says.

Their efforts have a spiritual aspect to it too. Many responded to the call and the organizers have their programmes and logos designed for free. They met a few days ago and "one gentleman" contributed money so the group could have dinner together.

Nagaland Capitalizes On It's Musical Talent

A musical performance at Nagaland's annual music festival, Hornbill Nagaland is known as a hub of musical talent.

There are songs of love, there are even songs of war here. The rich musical tradition of the state could now become a source of revenue.

Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio announced Monday that music would be declared an industry in the state.

"Definitely, there is music in our blood, we have huge potential. Therefore, taking into account the innate talents of Nagas in music, we have decided to make music an industry," Rio said, while inaugurating the Nagaland Music Conservatory (NCM).

The chief minister, however, clarified that the government role would be limited to being a "facilitator", offering support to musicians without "owning" music or pushing only particular genres.

Rio said that music was one arena where Nagas can catch the attention of the world. The chief minister encouraged youths to fully realize their in-born musical talent.

Congratulating the co-founders of the music conservatory - Lipokmar Tzudir and James Swu - Rio termed their dedication to establish a world-class music institute a "giant step" that would propel Naga musicians into the global arena.

The NCM will offer a full-fledged degree course in music, and it will have leading foreign and local musicians on the faculty.

"Our students will come out of the nutshell and compete in the international level", Tzudir said.

"Only dedicated musicians and institutions like the Nagaland Music Conservatory can make music an industry in the state," Rio said, even as he announced a grant of Rs.79 lakh to the new conservatory.

Terming the new music institute a dream come true for not only aspiring musicians but also the state as a whole, the chief minister said the state government would like to enter into partnership with the institute to promote music in this part of the world.

"Music is a multi-billion dollar industry. It is with the perspective of tapping into this that music has been declared an industry," Additional Chief Secretary Alemtemshi Jamir said.

Jamir said that the Nagaland government in its bid to promote music as an industry set up the Music Task Force in 2006. The strategy was initially to popularide music. The Music Task Force has been conducting live road shows around the state.

Jamir said the task force was allotted a budget to offer support to musicians, to enable training, the acquisition of necessary equipment and recording.

"The state government is also supporting a series of initiatives for the development of music, including support for setting up of music institutions. The next step would be setting up high quality recording studios" Jamir said.

Rough Road To Empowerment

By Ninglun Hangal



Women's Feature Service Towards change: Members of the Nagaland Mothers Association. Photos: Ninglun Hangal/ WFS


The slogan: Right to reservation. Women's Feature Service Fighting against all odds, Rosemary Dzuvichu is fervently working towards a rightful place in politics for women in Nagaland

Rosemary Dzuvichu, 50, wears many hats with élan. She is advisor to the Naga Mothers Association (NMA), an apex body of women in the State; teaches literature at Nagaland University; and is actively involved with organisations working on human rights and political empowerment. Earlier, this single mother of three became the first woman general secretary of the Lhisema Khel Council, a local administrative body, and she has even had a successful stint as president of the Kohima District Mahila Congress, which drafted its first-ever party manifesto on women during her tenure.

In a State ravaged by violence and where women traditionally do not enjoy equal status with men, Ms. Dzuvichu has not only managed to create an independent identity for herself, she is also fighting for the rights of others. Through the NMA, she is fervently working towards implementing the 33 per cent reservation for women in local governing bodies and the Assembly, even though the move has been opposed by various tribal apex bodies.

Being politically active and speaking up for thousands of voiceless Naga women is something Ms. Dzuvichu has learnt from the women in her family. Although she grew up in a secure environment, enjoying Hans Andersen's fairy tales and local folk stories as well as writing poetry, she was well aware of the turmoil around her. Living a few metres away from an Army camp in Kohima, firing between the armed forces and underground Naga groups was a part of everyday life. With everyone from her grandmother to her mother involved in the political uprising, it was hard not to get involved. “During those peak years of militancy during the 1950s and 1960s, the Naga movement for sovereignty and self determination was very strong. Any non-sympathiser was instantly ostracised,” she recalls. “State oppression” left a “deep imprint” on youngsters like her, who grew up harbouring feelings of alienation. Even today, she has reservations about interacting with Army personnel.

An early influence on her life was her grandmother Zeliezhu, who was one of the first women leaders of the underground Naga National Council (NNC). In later years, her mother, Alhouu Albina made sure to talk to the children about Zeliezhu’s tough character and staunch beliefs. Her mother was her other idol. “I learnt a lot from her. She was the first woman member of the local council and the Naga People's Front (NPF) party,” says Ms. Dzuvichu.

While the resistance movement influenced her early life — her father led a number of operations against the Army as the then secretary to General Thongti of the NNC, once the underground movement leaders decided to directly engage in talks after the Indo-Naga war of the 1950s, it was peace-time activities like going to church and doing social service that marked people’s lives. Politics, however, did not take a backseat even then for Ms. Dzuvichu, as the family home continued to be frequented by powerful Naga leaders like A.Z. Phizo, NNC’s founder leader, and others.

Despite the freedom she enjoyed in her own home, Ms. Dzuvichu realised very early in life that traditional Naga society expected women to tow the line and play second fiddle to the men. She belonged to the upper strata of society, got the best of education and was given the option to choose her own career, but she was also constantly reminded about behaving like a typical Naga girl, “which meant washing our brother's clothes, cooking, weaving and respecting all the elders”.

Political and social activism stayed with her even after marriage and motherhood. Eventually her 11-year-old marriage broke down as she refused to give up her work to become the perfect wife. “It was my traumatic divorce that taught me to stand up for women's rights and speak for those who dare not talk about their problems,” she says.

After she filed for divorce, she faced many challenges — she was called names, discriminated against and even banished for a while from polite society. But today she seems to have overcome those odds and has emerged as a prominent women's rights activist. “I know I could not have managed to do half the things I have done, had I still been married,” she says.

Last year, Ms. Dzuvichu’s team, under the aegis of the NMA, filed a writ petition at the Kohima Bench of the Gauhati High Court, urging the court to direct the State government, State Election Commission and Urban Commissioner to immediately hold elections for municipal and town councils throughout Nagaland with a third of the seats being reserved for women in accordance with Article 243 T (3) of the Constitution of India and Section 23A of the Nagaland Municipal (First Amendment) Act, 2006.

They also hoped the step would overturn the cabinet's decision to indefinitely postpone the elections of the municipal councils and town councils, which were originally scheduled for January-February 2010.

In October 2011, Justices Goswami and Indira Shah directed the State Election Commission to hold civic polls on or before January 2012 pronouncing that “the reasons cited in the cabinet decision does not amount to exceptional circumstances for postponement of election and cannot be sustained”.

Objecting to this judgment, State officials subsequently filed an affidavit and petitioned for an extension to implement the court order. Citing the memorandum received from tribal apex bodies such as the Naga Hoho and the Eastern Nagaland People's Organization, which objected to the move, the State maintained that if elections were held — and if women were to contest — it would not only lead to severe law and order problems but would also disturb the ongoing peace process between the government and the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN).

While Ms. Dzuvichu and her team are disappointed at the outcome, they maintain that traditional tribal bodies are like all-male clubs where women are deliberately kept out to ensure that they have no real say in their social and political environment. For now, she is willing to be the lone female participant at meetings that deliberate on the peace process in the state.

(Women’s Feature Service)

Asa Kazingmei:Debut at the Lakmé Fashion Week

Forget Zara, wear Naga. Asa Kazingmei’s debut at the Lakmé Fashion Week blends the traditions of his people with hip sensibilities, says Aradhna Wal Patterns of a people Models walking the Lakmé Fashion Week 2012 ramp for Asa Kazingmei

WHEN THE Lakmé Fashion Week (LFW) opened on 4 August, one set of designs stood out — striking red and black combinations, running motifs of diamonds and shawls and clean lines with bold architectural structures. The applause and the notice people took were an obvious testament to creator Asa Kazingmei’s talent. The 28-year-old marked his debut as part of the Gen Next Designers, who kicked off the 2012 Winter/Festive Edition of the LFW in Mumbai. The designer from Ukhrul, Manipur, has drawn on the customs of his people — the Tangkhul Naga tribe — to create his collection “Immortal”. “That is what impressed the panel that selected me for Gen Next,” he says. Over 250 aspiring designers applied from all over the world. Kazingmei was one of the seven chosen.

As a boy, Kazingmei stitched many of his own clothes. Growing up in Manipur in the 1990s meant that he was on the frontline of the Hallyu wave, which signified the meteoric popularity of South Korean music and entertainment. An avid watcher of Korean movies, his personal look — the stylised, streaked hair, zany jackets and trousers, the many scarves — is infused with a funky K-pop vibe. His designs, however, go close to the roots of his people. The traditional Tangkhul shawl raivat is made of handwoven textiles and a colour palette of black and red stripes. This is his basic storyboard. Building on that, he has created dresses with undulating hems and high collars. A vivid red weave overlaid on a basic black dress references the hand-woven nature of the material. Drapes have been reworked into broad pleats that carry zoomorphic imagery and traditional geometric patterns. The look comes across as edgy but stops short of being unrealistically futuristic. The clean cut renders it majestic. A non-fashionista would consider it cool.

“It’s very dramatic. He’s used traditional shawls and drapes to create a modern garment,” remarks fashion journalist Sathya Saran, who was on the advisory board of the LFW. She adds, “He is creating a western silhouette, because there is a market for that. Despite that, he is doing something different. This is not just another little black dress.” According to Saran, Nagas are a fashionable people, the best dressed in any gathering. Kazingmei has woven contemporary sartorial sensibilities and traditional gear with aplomb. He explains, “The motifs are a homage to the bravery of my tribe’s soldiers. And to the dignity of the people.” The shawl, which Kazingmei has spun into dresses, is traditionally worn only by the head of the house, or by the village headman. On the ramp, it is his cheerful salutation.

KAZINGMEI CAME to Mumbai in 2008 and joined the International Institute of Fashion Design for a year-long professional course. “I’ve been in the city for five years. Everyone has always supported me. And I’ll be able to push my business to a bigger scale. I am sure that in five years, I will establish my own brand,” he says. For now, he looks to popular upscale brands like Diesel for inspiration. “Right now, Renzo Rosso is my favourite designer. However, any designer associated with Diesel is my favourite most of the times.”

The dreams are big and he’s got stars in his eyes. However, Saran lines her praise with a warning. “He needs to get his marketing and production in place and he might go far. Most young designers fall into the same trap; they think they only need creativity,” she says. “If he avoids that, he could follow in the footsteps of Rahul Mishra, who debuted as a Gen Next designer and never looked back.” Creativity is not something Kazingmei lacks. High-heeled drama is a requisite on the ramp. However, if it can be scaled back, here are designs that could actually be part of one’s wardrobe.

Aradhna Wal is a Sub-Editor with Tehelka.

A Step Forward Or More Drama?

With all 60 MLAs offering to resign for an interim government, is the Nagaland issue going somewhere at last, asks Avalok Langer
Flags out Will underground leaders decide to come together?

Photo: Benjamin Lorin Sugathan SOMETHING IS afoot in Nagaland. In the past week, all 60 MLAs of the state made their way to Delhi to push for a settlement of the long-standing Indo-Naga political problem. Earlier on 19 July, these MLAs offered to resign to make way for an interim government comprising different underground groups.

While various chief ministers in the past have offered to quit office for a government formed by underground groups, it is for the first time in the state’s 48-year-history that MLAs across parties have come together to form the Joint Legislators Forum (JLF) to pave the way for any alternative that may emerge from the ongoing peace process.

“We have different political voices, but now we are speaking as one, to hasten the solution of the Indo–Naga political problem,” says Dr Sherzulei, president of the ruling Naga People’s Front (NPF). Former chief minister and leader of the Opposition, Nagaland Pradesh Congress Committee, SC Jamir, backs the JLF. “This is what the people want and we are willing to do everything to make it possible,” says Jamir.

According to sources, CM Rio has submitted a proposal to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh that his government would step down to make way for an interim government comprising the underground factions. TEHELKA had earlier said (What’s Next For Nagaland?, 18 February) that as different groups try to pull together to form a collective government, the state Assembly would make way for them. If such a solution is reached, it could be a model for resolving other long-standing disputes within the country.

The timing of the statement is interesting. Nagaland goes to polls in 2013 and the country in 2014. The worry is that if the political faces in the state and the Centre change, the progress made in the past 10 years could be lost. Secondly, as a senior Naga political leader said, “Unfortunately, elections are an expensive affair, presently all 60 MLAs are willing to make way, however, after incurring the costs of an elections I am not sure how many will be willing to resign.”

On his part, Sherzulei stands by the sincerity of his party’s decision. “It’s too early to say what will happen to the political parties,” he says. “However, we, as a party, are prepared to make way for a new government. We have no intention of participating in the political process.”

Does this mean the end of political parties in Nagaland? The general consensus seems to be that in their present form, the political parties may become redundant. However, given that there are so many underground factions in Nagaland, they will align themselves based on political ideologies. Many feel the NPF could find a new role for itself, but it could be curtains for the Congress.

As the Eastern Nagaland People’s Organisation (ENPO) and the Naga Hoho put their weight behind the JLF resolution, Home Secretary GK Pillai feels there is a long way to go. “It was only when Pu Laldenga signed the Mizo Accord with the Centre in 1986, that the government of the day made way for him. Without a solution between the Centre and the underground groups, this statement doesn’t mean much.”

However, could this just be another masterstroke by Chief Minster Rio? Having launched his party in Manipur last year, could he be looking to remain relevant in both India’s and Nagaland’s politics, post a solution? What remains to be seen is if this statement is mere political posturing or just the next logical step in attaining a Naga solution. But one thing is clear. While sovereignty may not be possible, for the Nagas, statehood is not the final solution. They aspire for more.

Avalok Langer is a Senior Correspondent with Tehelka.

Naga Body To Boycott Bangladeshi Immigrants

The Naga Council, a prominent local body, has called upon "all the citizens of Nagaland to socially and economically boycott" illegal Bangladeshi migrants.

Launching what it called 'pledge campaign' to get Nagaland rid of immigrants, the Public Action Committee (PAC) of Naga Council, the leading body of the community, called upon the citizens not to entertain such people in their localities, terming the initiative a non-violent, peaceful campaign.

The organisation threatened to launch the campaign at the council building from tomorrow.

Representatives from various tribal, women, youth and students' organizations of Dimapur after thorough deliberation on influx took the resolution on July 29, it said.

"It is a campaign to re-assert our control over own land, resources and economy through peaceful means," it said.

Who Are The Tetseo Sisters?

“We sing our ‘Li’ in the Chokri dialect of the Chakhesang Naga tribe of Nagaland and our songs are often accompanied by the age-old Naga one-stringed instrument, the Tati/Heka Libuh,” the four beautiful women with magical voices describe themselves thus. “We are trying to keep the tribal Naga tradition of folk singing alive and in our songs, we tell the stories of our people, their joys and sorrows, hopes and aspirations,” informs the description on their Facebook page that has over 5,000 fans already.

The Tetseo Sisters have been singing folk music from their childhood and have performed in various parts of the country and abroad. “They are currently based in New Delhi and Kohima but are available for performances wherever there is appreciation for good music and cultural exchange. Their musical portfolio also includes western music performances and regular appearances at many music events and festivals including the annual Hornbill Festival of Nagaland, Live Drive, State Roadshows and the Handshake Concerts of 2009 and 2010,” it informs.

The band's interests lie in “Folk, Fusion music, World Music, Nature, Traveling and Photography, Tati, Bamboo art and instruments, Classical music, food, fashion, tribal art, jewellery and handicrafts.” The artists they like include Deep Forest, Wes, The Corrs, Celine Dion, Shania Twain and Dixie Chicks.
Of their influences they say, “Our parents, our Naga folklore, Naga culture, the landscapes of Nagaland, Chakhesangness, World Music, poetry of our forefathers and the grace of the Almighty who has blessed us abundantly.”

Why 5000 Saudi Arabians follow an American?
It is a comedy of errors with a modern twist. Chris Rowland, an American who goes by the nickname St Chris, created a twitter handle @STC and has since found thousands of followers from across thousands of miles in Saudi Arabia. Twitter users of the middle eastern country have mistaken him to be a television network of the same name. “Reminder for my Saudi followers: I am not the telecom company. I'm a guy in New Jersey,” he tweeted.

When a dime cost a million
A one dime coin from the year 1873 went on auction recently in Philadelphia and was sold for a whopping $1.6 million to an anonymous bidder. After the 15% buyer’s fee, the final price of the coin came up to $1.8 million. This rare coin, it is reported, was minted in Carson City, USA, on a “one-day run of dimes: The mint was shut down in 1893.

Where did it snow unusually?
Call it global warming or a rare instance of nature’s bounty, but South Africans rejoiced as there was snowfall recently! And when a young couple called a radio station to express their light-hearted story of wanting to marry when Jo’burg was covered in snow, the station immediately arranged and planned the entire wedding in three hours! The snowfall came after five years to South Africa.

What is the cure for toebisity?
In a long list of things that people are unhappy about as far as their bodies are concerned, feet are the latest addition. Those who think that their feet, or toes are too fat are going under the knife to reduce its size. Toe tucking and toe slimming are also in the offing!

Pic Courtesy: https://www.facebook.com/Tetseos

Hopes Rise Of Peace Deal To End Violence in Nagaland

By Suryatapa Bhattacharya

New Delhi, Aug 10 : Political parties in Nagaland are putting pressure on the central government to draft a peace accord with rebels who have spent six decades fighting for greater independence and Naga unification.

The Nagaland government has since 2009 sought to negotiate an "honourable" end to its conflict with the rebels, which has its origins in a pre-partition desire for an independent Naga homeland.

This week Niephiu Rio, the state's chief minister, led a delegation of 60 legislators from across party lines to petition the government and opposition to find a solution to the conflict.

"This is a rare occasion for all the political parties to come together and pledge to make any kind of sacrifice to have a permanent settlement," said Mr Rio at a news conference in New Delhi on Tuesday.

The fighting between Naga fighters and the army has killed 20,000 people since the insurgency began in the 1950s.

Some insurgent groups have demanded full independence from India, while others, such as the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (NCSN), want to expand Nagaland into a "Greater Nagaland" that would include portions of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh.

The Indian government is loath to grant concessions to rebel groups because it may set precedent in a country beset by inter-ethnic struggles and separatist movements.

Nagaland legislators have offered to resign to form a "party-less interim government" to negotiate an end to the conflict. The interim government could include rebel groups, Mr Rio said.

"You cannot resolve the issue unless the centre is involved," said Sanjoy Hazarika, the director of the Centre for North-east Studies at Jamia Millia Islamia in New Delhi, one of India's oldest Islamic universities.

"This is not simply an issue of what Nagaland wants, it includes the demands of rebel groups, and the governments of three states."

If the rebels' demand for a Greater Nagaland is met, it will mean taking two-and-a-half districts of Manipur, two districts in the easternmost portion of Arunachal Pradesh and the upper region of Assam. "That is not going to happen anytime soon," said Mr Hazarika.

Upper Assam is the region's industrial hub and has significant oil reserves but complications arise because Nagas do not have sole claim on some of these areas.

The NCSN and a splinter faction, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland - Khaplang (NCSN-K), signed respective ceasefires with the government in 1997 and 2001.

About 60 rounds of talks between rebels and state government have made little progress since the mid-1990s and, according to Samir Kumar Das, the vice chancellor of the University of North Bengal, rebel groups are frustrated.

"Patience is wearing out. The insurgent groups are restive and impatient. They have been in negotiations for so long. What have they achieved?

"The violence has come down but that does not necessarily mean that a solution has been reached," Mr Das said.

These concerns were echoed by Mr Rio.

"The Naga people feel that 15 years of ceasefire and political dialogue was long enough a period for the government of India to understand the issue. They now want an acceptable and honourable solution to this issue before next year's assembly polls," he said on Tuesday.

Complicating matters, the splinter group, the NCSN-K, has been silent on the new talks.

"They are being smart," said Mr Hazarika. "They are waiting for the government to say something.

"This is also one way of them telling the government that we are prepared for a solution, but what's your solution?"

The central government has yet to take a public stance, but the ruling Congress Party's representatives in the Nagaland state legislature oppose a Greater Nagaland.

The silence could in part be because the government is currently bogged down over accusations that it helped cause the current violence in Assam.

The opposition and many Assamese claim that the violence between Muslims and the Bodo group has been instigated by illegal migrants from Bangladesh.

Mr Rio believes that the time has come for another such agreement, and that the opportunity may not present itself again.

"We are hoping that good sense will prevail and lead to early settlement. If the government of India fails to reach a settlement, it will be a lost opportunity," said Mr Rio.

"All political parties have surrendered their position, which is very rare. They have pledged to make any kind of sacrifice to have a permanent settlement."

Naga Woman Held From AP For Conning Investors of Rs11 crore

 Hyderabad, Aug 2 : Rosemary Jamir, secretary of Tragopan Farmers' Society from Dimapur in Nagaland, collected Rs24.7 crore through seven agents in AP, disbursed Rs13.7 crore to gain investor's confidence and then disappeared with Rs11 crore

 A woman from Nagaland has been arrested from Vijaywada in Andhra Pradesh on charge of duping investors to the tune of Rs11 crore through a money circulation scheme, reports PTI quoting police.

Rosemary Jamir, secretary of Tropogan Farmers' Society from Dimapur in Nagaland, who is one of the accused in the case, was picked up from Vijayawada by a CID team, they said.

Rosemary had appointed seven executive members for Andhra Pradesh for the purpose of collecting funds from unsuspecting investors, who in turn through the network of 52 agents amassed Rs24.70 crore and disbursed Rs13.70 crore to gain confidence of investors before winding up their firm and disappearing with Rs11 crore.

An office was established at Dilshuknagar here which was maintained for about eight months before it was shut down, police said.

According to police, Rosemary had entered into a partnership deed with the executive members in 2011 to share the proceeds to be collected from investors.

Lands and buildings were purchased by the executive members in and around Nellore and Krishna districts of the state.

CID has identified several properties in this regard, which will be attached, while further investigations are on, according to a CID release.

Nzanbeni Kithan is Miss Dimapur 2012

Dimapur, July 31 : Displaying an apt blend of beauty and brains, Nzanbeni Kithan was crowned Miss Dimapur 2012 here recently, prevailing over twelve other models who were vying for the top spot.

"I believe in myself. I am a very confident girl and one day I will be very successful," Kithan said after bagging the title.

Kithan wants to encourage youth to achieve their dreams.

Asenle, who finished as the first runners up, too shared her future plans.

"I see myself as a successful fashion designer and a model one day," she said.

In the inaugural session, models introduced themselves to the audience and talked about their interests and reasons for choosing to make their careers in the fashion industry.

The event was aimed at promoting the fashion industry in Nagaland and attracting youth to take it up as a profession.

All the participants said they wanted to be successful models and represent the country at international events.

Number Games in Nagaland

By Ankush Agrawal & Vikas Kumar

Photo: The Hindu WINNING THE COUNT: The fear of losing Assembly seats to other communities during delimitation of constituencies triggered a contest that blurred the distinction between census and election. A 2008 picture of voters outside a booth in Dimapur 1 constituency in Nagaland.

Competition for scare resources led tribals and non-tribals to inflate the headcount for two decades, but the 2011 census proved different

Nagaland’s population grew at decadal rates of 56 per cent during the 1980s and at 65 per cent in the 1990s. During this period, the State registered the highest growth in population in all of India. But, as per the 2011 Census, Nagaland’s population decreased by 0.47 per cent between 2001 and 2011. This is the first time that a state in independent India has witnessed an absolute decline in population in the absence of war, famine, natural calamities, political disturbance, or any significant changes in its socio-economic characteristics. And research has shown that demographic factors like birth, death, and lawful migration are insufficient to explain the changes in Nagaland’s population between 1991 and 2011.

What explains the decline in population after abnormally high population growth in Nagaland?

Delimitation

In a 2005 interview with journalist Sanjoy Hazarika, the Chief Minister of Nagaland Chief Minister, Neiphiu Rio, drew attention towards the competitive inflation of population figures in 2001 due to the threat posed by the impending delimitation of State Assembly constituencies. He argued that the hill districts dominated by Naga tribes feared a loss of five seats to Dimapur — the only plains district and the industrial and transport hub of Nagaland — which has a lot of non-tribals. The hills-plains divide overlaps with the Naga-non-Naga divide. According to Mr. Rio, the actual population of Nagaland in 2001 was six lakh less than the 2001 census figure of 20 lakh. He argued, however, that a recount would not help as there were “warnings from village and district levels that in the review, the population will increase, not decrease.” So, instead of stirring up a hornet’s nest, the Central and State governments adopted a cautious approach. To avoid ethnic conflict, the Centre deferred delimitation to 2031, while the State government rejected the 2001 census and concentrated on conducting the 2011 census properly. The State government canvassed the Opposition, the bureaucracy, and organisations of tribes, village elders, churches, and students to convince the people that a reliable and accurate census was indispensable “for (the) proper planning of development and also establishing political and social harmony.” While the government’s participative approach restored sanity to the process of census in Nagaland and is worthy of being adopted by other government survey organisations, the inflation of the headcount in the 2001 census requires scrutiny to recognise the underlying socio-economic factors that encouraged manipulation.

Nagaland’s small population (19.81 lakh) is divided into over two dozen tribal and non-tribal communities. Inter-community competition for scarce public resources manifests itself in a variety of ways in Nagaland: resentment against outsiders (Bangladeshis), movements for reservation in educational institutions and government jobs, demands for division of Nagaland along tribal lines, and inter-tribal feuds among insurgent groups. Until the late 1990s, hospitable conditions for the growth of the private sector did not exist and the State was the biggest actor in Nagaland’s economy, which added urgency to the competition for public resources. This was manifested more than anything else in the ever increasing voter turnouts over the years, as if the election were a census.

Ethnic factor

But when elections are reduced to an ethnic head count, winning censuses becomes necessary for winning elections. The Naga Hoho, the apex tribal council, admitted as much when it noted that the census has been a much misunderstood exercise in Nagaland and that people had equated it with electoral rolls. In 2001, the struggle for public resources took a new turn in Nagaland, when competitive inflation of electoral rolls spread to the census, as if the census was an election. The fear of losing Assembly seats to other communities in the 2002 delimitation of State Assembly constituencies triggered this novel competition, which blurred the distinction between census and election.

The conflict between Dimapur and the hill districts was the driving force behind manipulation of the 2001 census. The hill districts feared losing four Assembly seats to Dimapur if the Delimitation Commission relied on the 1991 Census.

Threatened by the possibility of loss of political representation, the hill districts inflated their numbers in the 2001 Census to the extent that the loss would have been reduced to just one seat if the 2001 Census was used for delimitation. Since the tribes were not all equally successful at false enumeration, conflict and litigation followed the census.

After 2008, when an Ordinance deferred delimitation in Nagaland (and Manipur, Assam, and Arunachal Pradesh) to until after the first census after 2026, there was no incentive to inflate the population count. Moreover, the government was alert to the possibility of subversion of its data collection exercises. Unsurprisingly, a sample survey in 2009 revealed that the population count fell across the hill districts, which had heavily inflated the count in 2001. This was confirmed later — the 2011 census reported a negative growth rate of five per cent in the hill districts, whereas growth remained positive in Dimapur. If delimitation is conducted as per the 2011 census, then Dimapur will gain six seats at the expense of the hill districts.

So, deferring delimitation to the distant future is not a durable solution to the problem of ethnic competition. The government made the process of enumeration transparent by including all stakeholders in the census exercise. It convinced them that, in the interests of the Naga people, it was taking care to prevent manipulation in the census. However, how long this new consensus among the people on not interfering with official statistics will hold will depend critically on balanced regional and sectoral growth in Nagaland outside the public sector of the economy. With armed conflict on the ebb, this should not be difficult. In addition to the immense potential for tourism and handicrafts industries, Nagaland, being the second most literate State in the country, has the essential human capital for growth in the service sector.

(Ankush Agrawal and Vikas Kumar are with the Institute of Economic Growth, Delhi, and Azim Premji University, Bangalore, respectively.)