Rough Road To Empowerment

By Ninglun Hangal



Women's Feature Service Towards change: Members of the Nagaland Mothers Association. Photos: Ninglun Hangal/ WFS


The slogan: Right to reservation. Women's Feature Service Fighting against all odds, Rosemary Dzuvichu is fervently working towards a rightful place in politics for women in Nagaland

Rosemary Dzuvichu, 50, wears many hats with élan. She is advisor to the Naga Mothers Association (NMA), an apex body of women in the State; teaches literature at Nagaland University; and is actively involved with organisations working on human rights and political empowerment. Earlier, this single mother of three became the first woman general secretary of the Lhisema Khel Council, a local administrative body, and she has even had a successful stint as president of the Kohima District Mahila Congress, which drafted its first-ever party manifesto on women during her tenure.

In a State ravaged by violence and where women traditionally do not enjoy equal status with men, Ms. Dzuvichu has not only managed to create an independent identity for herself, she is also fighting for the rights of others. Through the NMA, she is fervently working towards implementing the 33 per cent reservation for women in local governing bodies and the Assembly, even though the move has been opposed by various tribal apex bodies.

Being politically active and speaking up for thousands of voiceless Naga women is something Ms. Dzuvichu has learnt from the women in her family. Although she grew up in a secure environment, enjoying Hans Andersen's fairy tales and local folk stories as well as writing poetry, she was well aware of the turmoil around her. Living a few metres away from an Army camp in Kohima, firing between the armed forces and underground Naga groups was a part of everyday life. With everyone from her grandmother to her mother involved in the political uprising, it was hard not to get involved. “During those peak years of militancy during the 1950s and 1960s, the Naga movement for sovereignty and self determination was very strong. Any non-sympathiser was instantly ostracised,” she recalls. “State oppression” left a “deep imprint” on youngsters like her, who grew up harbouring feelings of alienation. Even today, she has reservations about interacting with Army personnel.

An early influence on her life was her grandmother Zeliezhu, who was one of the first women leaders of the underground Naga National Council (NNC). In later years, her mother, Alhouu Albina made sure to talk to the children about Zeliezhu’s tough character and staunch beliefs. Her mother was her other idol. “I learnt a lot from her. She was the first woman member of the local council and the Naga People's Front (NPF) party,” says Ms. Dzuvichu.

While the resistance movement influenced her early life — her father led a number of operations against the Army as the then secretary to General Thongti of the NNC, once the underground movement leaders decided to directly engage in talks after the Indo-Naga war of the 1950s, it was peace-time activities like going to church and doing social service that marked people’s lives. Politics, however, did not take a backseat even then for Ms. Dzuvichu, as the family home continued to be frequented by powerful Naga leaders like A.Z. Phizo, NNC’s founder leader, and others.

Despite the freedom she enjoyed in her own home, Ms. Dzuvichu realised very early in life that traditional Naga society expected women to tow the line and play second fiddle to the men. She belonged to the upper strata of society, got the best of education and was given the option to choose her own career, but she was also constantly reminded about behaving like a typical Naga girl, “which meant washing our brother's clothes, cooking, weaving and respecting all the elders”.

Political and social activism stayed with her even after marriage and motherhood. Eventually her 11-year-old marriage broke down as she refused to give up her work to become the perfect wife. “It was my traumatic divorce that taught me to stand up for women's rights and speak for those who dare not talk about their problems,” she says.

After she filed for divorce, she faced many challenges — she was called names, discriminated against and even banished for a while from polite society. But today she seems to have overcome those odds and has emerged as a prominent women's rights activist. “I know I could not have managed to do half the things I have done, had I still been married,” she says.

Last year, Ms. Dzuvichu’s team, under the aegis of the NMA, filed a writ petition at the Kohima Bench of the Gauhati High Court, urging the court to direct the State government, State Election Commission and Urban Commissioner to immediately hold elections for municipal and town councils throughout Nagaland with a third of the seats being reserved for women in accordance with Article 243 T (3) of the Constitution of India and Section 23A of the Nagaland Municipal (First Amendment) Act, 2006.

They also hoped the step would overturn the cabinet's decision to indefinitely postpone the elections of the municipal councils and town councils, which were originally scheduled for January-February 2010.

In October 2011, Justices Goswami and Indira Shah directed the State Election Commission to hold civic polls on or before January 2012 pronouncing that “the reasons cited in the cabinet decision does not amount to exceptional circumstances for postponement of election and cannot be sustained”.

Objecting to this judgment, State officials subsequently filed an affidavit and petitioned for an extension to implement the court order. Citing the memorandum received from tribal apex bodies such as the Naga Hoho and the Eastern Nagaland People's Organization, which objected to the move, the State maintained that if elections were held — and if women were to contest — it would not only lead to severe law and order problems but would also disturb the ongoing peace process between the government and the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN).

While Ms. Dzuvichu and her team are disappointed at the outcome, they maintain that traditional tribal bodies are like all-male clubs where women are deliberately kept out to ensure that they have no real say in their social and political environment. For now, she is willing to be the lone female participant at meetings that deliberate on the peace process in the state.

(Women’s Feature Service)

Asa Kazingmei:Debut at the Lakmé Fashion Week

Forget Zara, wear Naga. Asa Kazingmei’s debut at the Lakmé Fashion Week blends the traditions of his people with hip sensibilities, says Aradhna Wal Patterns of a people Models walking the Lakmé Fashion Week 2012 ramp for Asa Kazingmei

WHEN THE Lakmé Fashion Week (LFW) opened on 4 August, one set of designs stood out — striking red and black combinations, running motifs of diamonds and shawls and clean lines with bold architectural structures. The applause and the notice people took were an obvious testament to creator Asa Kazingmei’s talent. The 28-year-old marked his debut as part of the Gen Next Designers, who kicked off the 2012 Winter/Festive Edition of the LFW in Mumbai. The designer from Ukhrul, Manipur, has drawn on the customs of his people — the Tangkhul Naga tribe — to create his collection “Immortal”. “That is what impressed the panel that selected me for Gen Next,” he says. Over 250 aspiring designers applied from all over the world. Kazingmei was one of the seven chosen.

As a boy, Kazingmei stitched many of his own clothes. Growing up in Manipur in the 1990s meant that he was on the frontline of the Hallyu wave, which signified the meteoric popularity of South Korean music and entertainment. An avid watcher of Korean movies, his personal look — the stylised, streaked hair, zany jackets and trousers, the many scarves — is infused with a funky K-pop vibe. His designs, however, go close to the roots of his people. The traditional Tangkhul shawl raivat is made of handwoven textiles and a colour palette of black and red stripes. This is his basic storyboard. Building on that, he has created dresses with undulating hems and high collars. A vivid red weave overlaid on a basic black dress references the hand-woven nature of the material. Drapes have been reworked into broad pleats that carry zoomorphic imagery and traditional geometric patterns. The look comes across as edgy but stops short of being unrealistically futuristic. The clean cut renders it majestic. A non-fashionista would consider it cool.

“It’s very dramatic. He’s used traditional shawls and drapes to create a modern garment,” remarks fashion journalist Sathya Saran, who was on the advisory board of the LFW. She adds, “He is creating a western silhouette, because there is a market for that. Despite that, he is doing something different. This is not just another little black dress.” According to Saran, Nagas are a fashionable people, the best dressed in any gathering. Kazingmei has woven contemporary sartorial sensibilities and traditional gear with aplomb. He explains, “The motifs are a homage to the bravery of my tribe’s soldiers. And to the dignity of the people.” The shawl, which Kazingmei has spun into dresses, is traditionally worn only by the head of the house, or by the village headman. On the ramp, it is his cheerful salutation.

KAZINGMEI CAME to Mumbai in 2008 and joined the International Institute of Fashion Design for a year-long professional course. “I’ve been in the city for five years. Everyone has always supported me. And I’ll be able to push my business to a bigger scale. I am sure that in five years, I will establish my own brand,” he says. For now, he looks to popular upscale brands like Diesel for inspiration. “Right now, Renzo Rosso is my favourite designer. However, any designer associated with Diesel is my favourite most of the times.”

The dreams are big and he’s got stars in his eyes. However, Saran lines her praise with a warning. “He needs to get his marketing and production in place and he might go far. Most young designers fall into the same trap; they think they only need creativity,” she says. “If he avoids that, he could follow in the footsteps of Rahul Mishra, who debuted as a Gen Next designer and never looked back.” Creativity is not something Kazingmei lacks. High-heeled drama is a requisite on the ramp. However, if it can be scaled back, here are designs that could actually be part of one’s wardrobe.

Aradhna Wal is a Sub-Editor with Tehelka.

A Step Forward Or More Drama?

With all 60 MLAs offering to resign for an interim government, is the Nagaland issue going somewhere at last, asks Avalok Langer
Flags out Will underground leaders decide to come together?

Photo: Benjamin Lorin Sugathan SOMETHING IS afoot in Nagaland. In the past week, all 60 MLAs of the state made their way to Delhi to push for a settlement of the long-standing Indo-Naga political problem. Earlier on 19 July, these MLAs offered to resign to make way for an interim government comprising different underground groups.

While various chief ministers in the past have offered to quit office for a government formed by underground groups, it is for the first time in the state’s 48-year-history that MLAs across parties have come together to form the Joint Legislators Forum (JLF) to pave the way for any alternative that may emerge from the ongoing peace process.

“We have different political voices, but now we are speaking as one, to hasten the solution of the Indo–Naga political problem,” says Dr Sherzulei, president of the ruling Naga People’s Front (NPF). Former chief minister and leader of the Opposition, Nagaland Pradesh Congress Committee, SC Jamir, backs the JLF. “This is what the people want and we are willing to do everything to make it possible,” says Jamir.

According to sources, CM Rio has submitted a proposal to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh that his government would step down to make way for an interim government comprising the underground factions. TEHELKA had earlier said (What’s Next For Nagaland?, 18 February) that as different groups try to pull together to form a collective government, the state Assembly would make way for them. If such a solution is reached, it could be a model for resolving other long-standing disputes within the country.

The timing of the statement is interesting. Nagaland goes to polls in 2013 and the country in 2014. The worry is that if the political faces in the state and the Centre change, the progress made in the past 10 years could be lost. Secondly, as a senior Naga political leader said, “Unfortunately, elections are an expensive affair, presently all 60 MLAs are willing to make way, however, after incurring the costs of an elections I am not sure how many will be willing to resign.”

On his part, Sherzulei stands by the sincerity of his party’s decision. “It’s too early to say what will happen to the political parties,” he says. “However, we, as a party, are prepared to make way for a new government. We have no intention of participating in the political process.”

Does this mean the end of political parties in Nagaland? The general consensus seems to be that in their present form, the political parties may become redundant. However, given that there are so many underground factions in Nagaland, they will align themselves based on political ideologies. Many feel the NPF could find a new role for itself, but it could be curtains for the Congress.

As the Eastern Nagaland People’s Organisation (ENPO) and the Naga Hoho put their weight behind the JLF resolution, Home Secretary GK Pillai feels there is a long way to go. “It was only when Pu Laldenga signed the Mizo Accord with the Centre in 1986, that the government of the day made way for him. Without a solution between the Centre and the underground groups, this statement doesn’t mean much.”

However, could this just be another masterstroke by Chief Minster Rio? Having launched his party in Manipur last year, could he be looking to remain relevant in both India’s and Nagaland’s politics, post a solution? What remains to be seen is if this statement is mere political posturing or just the next logical step in attaining a Naga solution. But one thing is clear. While sovereignty may not be possible, for the Nagas, statehood is not the final solution. They aspire for more.

Avalok Langer is a Senior Correspondent with Tehelka.

Naga Body To Boycott Bangladeshi Immigrants

The Naga Council, a prominent local body, has called upon "all the citizens of Nagaland to socially and economically boycott" illegal Bangladeshi migrants.

Launching what it called 'pledge campaign' to get Nagaland rid of immigrants, the Public Action Committee (PAC) of Naga Council, the leading body of the community, called upon the citizens not to entertain such people in their localities, terming the initiative a non-violent, peaceful campaign.

The organisation threatened to launch the campaign at the council building from tomorrow.

Representatives from various tribal, women, youth and students' organizations of Dimapur after thorough deliberation on influx took the resolution on July 29, it said.

"It is a campaign to re-assert our control over own land, resources and economy through peaceful means," it said.

Who Are The Tetseo Sisters?

“We sing our ‘Li’ in the Chokri dialect of the Chakhesang Naga tribe of Nagaland and our songs are often accompanied by the age-old Naga one-stringed instrument, the Tati/Heka Libuh,” the four beautiful women with magical voices describe themselves thus. “We are trying to keep the tribal Naga tradition of folk singing alive and in our songs, we tell the stories of our people, their joys and sorrows, hopes and aspirations,” informs the description on their Facebook page that has over 5,000 fans already.

The Tetseo Sisters have been singing folk music from their childhood and have performed in various parts of the country and abroad. “They are currently based in New Delhi and Kohima but are available for performances wherever there is appreciation for good music and cultural exchange. Their musical portfolio also includes western music performances and regular appearances at many music events and festivals including the annual Hornbill Festival of Nagaland, Live Drive, State Roadshows and the Handshake Concerts of 2009 and 2010,” it informs.

The band's interests lie in “Folk, Fusion music, World Music, Nature, Traveling and Photography, Tati, Bamboo art and instruments, Classical music, food, fashion, tribal art, jewellery and handicrafts.” The artists they like include Deep Forest, Wes, The Corrs, Celine Dion, Shania Twain and Dixie Chicks.
Of their influences they say, “Our parents, our Naga folklore, Naga culture, the landscapes of Nagaland, Chakhesangness, World Music, poetry of our forefathers and the grace of the Almighty who has blessed us abundantly.”

Why 5000 Saudi Arabians follow an American?
It is a comedy of errors with a modern twist. Chris Rowland, an American who goes by the nickname St Chris, created a twitter handle @STC and has since found thousands of followers from across thousands of miles in Saudi Arabia. Twitter users of the middle eastern country have mistaken him to be a television network of the same name. “Reminder for my Saudi followers: I am not the telecom company. I'm a guy in New Jersey,” he tweeted.

When a dime cost a million
A one dime coin from the year 1873 went on auction recently in Philadelphia and was sold for a whopping $1.6 million to an anonymous bidder. After the 15% buyer’s fee, the final price of the coin came up to $1.8 million. This rare coin, it is reported, was minted in Carson City, USA, on a “one-day run of dimes: The mint was shut down in 1893.

Where did it snow unusually?
Call it global warming or a rare instance of nature’s bounty, but South Africans rejoiced as there was snowfall recently! And when a young couple called a radio station to express their light-hearted story of wanting to marry when Jo’burg was covered in snow, the station immediately arranged and planned the entire wedding in three hours! The snowfall came after five years to South Africa.

What is the cure for toebisity?
In a long list of things that people are unhappy about as far as their bodies are concerned, feet are the latest addition. Those who think that their feet, or toes are too fat are going under the knife to reduce its size. Toe tucking and toe slimming are also in the offing!

Pic Courtesy: https://www.facebook.com/Tetseos

Hopes Rise Of Peace Deal To End Violence in Nagaland

By Suryatapa Bhattacharya

New Delhi, Aug 10 : Political parties in Nagaland are putting pressure on the central government to draft a peace accord with rebels who have spent six decades fighting for greater independence and Naga unification.

The Nagaland government has since 2009 sought to negotiate an "honourable" end to its conflict with the rebels, which has its origins in a pre-partition desire for an independent Naga homeland.

This week Niephiu Rio, the state's chief minister, led a delegation of 60 legislators from across party lines to petition the government and opposition to find a solution to the conflict.

"This is a rare occasion for all the political parties to come together and pledge to make any kind of sacrifice to have a permanent settlement," said Mr Rio at a news conference in New Delhi on Tuesday.

The fighting between Naga fighters and the army has killed 20,000 people since the insurgency began in the 1950s.

Some insurgent groups have demanded full independence from India, while others, such as the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (NCSN), want to expand Nagaland into a "Greater Nagaland" that would include portions of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh.

The Indian government is loath to grant concessions to rebel groups because it may set precedent in a country beset by inter-ethnic struggles and separatist movements.

Nagaland legislators have offered to resign to form a "party-less interim government" to negotiate an end to the conflict. The interim government could include rebel groups, Mr Rio said.

"You cannot resolve the issue unless the centre is involved," said Sanjoy Hazarika, the director of the Centre for North-east Studies at Jamia Millia Islamia in New Delhi, one of India's oldest Islamic universities.

"This is not simply an issue of what Nagaland wants, it includes the demands of rebel groups, and the governments of three states."

If the rebels' demand for a Greater Nagaland is met, it will mean taking two-and-a-half districts of Manipur, two districts in the easternmost portion of Arunachal Pradesh and the upper region of Assam. "That is not going to happen anytime soon," said Mr Hazarika.

Upper Assam is the region's industrial hub and has significant oil reserves but complications arise because Nagas do not have sole claim on some of these areas.

The NCSN and a splinter faction, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland - Khaplang (NCSN-K), signed respective ceasefires with the government in 1997 and 2001.

About 60 rounds of talks between rebels and state government have made little progress since the mid-1990s and, according to Samir Kumar Das, the vice chancellor of the University of North Bengal, rebel groups are frustrated.

"Patience is wearing out. The insurgent groups are restive and impatient. They have been in negotiations for so long. What have they achieved?

"The violence has come down but that does not necessarily mean that a solution has been reached," Mr Das said.

These concerns were echoed by Mr Rio.

"The Naga people feel that 15 years of ceasefire and political dialogue was long enough a period for the government of India to understand the issue. They now want an acceptable and honourable solution to this issue before next year's assembly polls," he said on Tuesday.

Complicating matters, the splinter group, the NCSN-K, has been silent on the new talks.

"They are being smart," said Mr Hazarika. "They are waiting for the government to say something.

"This is also one way of them telling the government that we are prepared for a solution, but what's your solution?"

The central government has yet to take a public stance, but the ruling Congress Party's representatives in the Nagaland state legislature oppose a Greater Nagaland.

The silence could in part be because the government is currently bogged down over accusations that it helped cause the current violence in Assam.

The opposition and many Assamese claim that the violence between Muslims and the Bodo group has been instigated by illegal migrants from Bangladesh.

Mr Rio believes that the time has come for another such agreement, and that the opportunity may not present itself again.

"We are hoping that good sense will prevail and lead to early settlement. If the government of India fails to reach a settlement, it will be a lost opportunity," said Mr Rio.

"All political parties have surrendered their position, which is very rare. They have pledged to make any kind of sacrifice to have a permanent settlement."

Naga Woman Held From AP For Conning Investors of Rs11 crore

 Hyderabad, Aug 2 : Rosemary Jamir, secretary of Tragopan Farmers' Society from Dimapur in Nagaland, collected Rs24.7 crore through seven agents in AP, disbursed Rs13.7 crore to gain investor's confidence and then disappeared with Rs11 crore

 A woman from Nagaland has been arrested from Vijaywada in Andhra Pradesh on charge of duping investors to the tune of Rs11 crore through a money circulation scheme, reports PTI quoting police.

Rosemary Jamir, secretary of Tropogan Farmers' Society from Dimapur in Nagaland, who is one of the accused in the case, was picked up from Vijayawada by a CID team, they said.

Rosemary had appointed seven executive members for Andhra Pradesh for the purpose of collecting funds from unsuspecting investors, who in turn through the network of 52 agents amassed Rs24.70 crore and disbursed Rs13.70 crore to gain confidence of investors before winding up their firm and disappearing with Rs11 crore.

An office was established at Dilshuknagar here which was maintained for about eight months before it was shut down, police said.

According to police, Rosemary had entered into a partnership deed with the executive members in 2011 to share the proceeds to be collected from investors.

Lands and buildings were purchased by the executive members in and around Nellore and Krishna districts of the state.

CID has identified several properties in this regard, which will be attached, while further investigations are on, according to a CID release.

Nzanbeni Kithan is Miss Dimapur 2012

Dimapur, July 31 : Displaying an apt blend of beauty and brains, Nzanbeni Kithan was crowned Miss Dimapur 2012 here recently, prevailing over twelve other models who were vying for the top spot.

"I believe in myself. I am a very confident girl and one day I will be very successful," Kithan said after bagging the title.

Kithan wants to encourage youth to achieve their dreams.

Asenle, who finished as the first runners up, too shared her future plans.

"I see myself as a successful fashion designer and a model one day," she said.

In the inaugural session, models introduced themselves to the audience and talked about their interests and reasons for choosing to make their careers in the fashion industry.

The event was aimed at promoting the fashion industry in Nagaland and attracting youth to take it up as a profession.

All the participants said they wanted to be successful models and represent the country at international events.

Number Games in Nagaland

By Ankush Agrawal & Vikas Kumar

Photo: The Hindu WINNING THE COUNT: The fear of losing Assembly seats to other communities during delimitation of constituencies triggered a contest that blurred the distinction between census and election. A 2008 picture of voters outside a booth in Dimapur 1 constituency in Nagaland.

Competition for scare resources led tribals and non-tribals to inflate the headcount for two decades, but the 2011 census proved different

Nagaland’s population grew at decadal rates of 56 per cent during the 1980s and at 65 per cent in the 1990s. During this period, the State registered the highest growth in population in all of India. But, as per the 2011 Census, Nagaland’s population decreased by 0.47 per cent between 2001 and 2011. This is the first time that a state in independent India has witnessed an absolute decline in population in the absence of war, famine, natural calamities, political disturbance, or any significant changes in its socio-economic characteristics. And research has shown that demographic factors like birth, death, and lawful migration are insufficient to explain the changes in Nagaland’s population between 1991 and 2011.

What explains the decline in population after abnormally high population growth in Nagaland?

Delimitation

In a 2005 interview with journalist Sanjoy Hazarika, the Chief Minister of Nagaland Chief Minister, Neiphiu Rio, drew attention towards the competitive inflation of population figures in 2001 due to the threat posed by the impending delimitation of State Assembly constituencies. He argued that the hill districts dominated by Naga tribes feared a loss of five seats to Dimapur — the only plains district and the industrial and transport hub of Nagaland — which has a lot of non-tribals. The hills-plains divide overlaps with the Naga-non-Naga divide. According to Mr. Rio, the actual population of Nagaland in 2001 was six lakh less than the 2001 census figure of 20 lakh. He argued, however, that a recount would not help as there were “warnings from village and district levels that in the review, the population will increase, not decrease.” So, instead of stirring up a hornet’s nest, the Central and State governments adopted a cautious approach. To avoid ethnic conflict, the Centre deferred delimitation to 2031, while the State government rejected the 2001 census and concentrated on conducting the 2011 census properly. The State government canvassed the Opposition, the bureaucracy, and organisations of tribes, village elders, churches, and students to convince the people that a reliable and accurate census was indispensable “for (the) proper planning of development and also establishing political and social harmony.” While the government’s participative approach restored sanity to the process of census in Nagaland and is worthy of being adopted by other government survey organisations, the inflation of the headcount in the 2001 census requires scrutiny to recognise the underlying socio-economic factors that encouraged manipulation.

Nagaland’s small population (19.81 lakh) is divided into over two dozen tribal and non-tribal communities. Inter-community competition for scarce public resources manifests itself in a variety of ways in Nagaland: resentment against outsiders (Bangladeshis), movements for reservation in educational institutions and government jobs, demands for division of Nagaland along tribal lines, and inter-tribal feuds among insurgent groups. Until the late 1990s, hospitable conditions for the growth of the private sector did not exist and the State was the biggest actor in Nagaland’s economy, which added urgency to the competition for public resources. This was manifested more than anything else in the ever increasing voter turnouts over the years, as if the election were a census.

Ethnic factor

But when elections are reduced to an ethnic head count, winning censuses becomes necessary for winning elections. The Naga Hoho, the apex tribal council, admitted as much when it noted that the census has been a much misunderstood exercise in Nagaland and that people had equated it with electoral rolls. In 2001, the struggle for public resources took a new turn in Nagaland, when competitive inflation of electoral rolls spread to the census, as if the census was an election. The fear of losing Assembly seats to other communities in the 2002 delimitation of State Assembly constituencies triggered this novel competition, which blurred the distinction between census and election.

The conflict between Dimapur and the hill districts was the driving force behind manipulation of the 2001 census. The hill districts feared losing four Assembly seats to Dimapur if the Delimitation Commission relied on the 1991 Census.

Threatened by the possibility of loss of political representation, the hill districts inflated their numbers in the 2001 Census to the extent that the loss would have been reduced to just one seat if the 2001 Census was used for delimitation. Since the tribes were not all equally successful at false enumeration, conflict and litigation followed the census.

After 2008, when an Ordinance deferred delimitation in Nagaland (and Manipur, Assam, and Arunachal Pradesh) to until after the first census after 2026, there was no incentive to inflate the population count. Moreover, the government was alert to the possibility of subversion of its data collection exercises. Unsurprisingly, a sample survey in 2009 revealed that the population count fell across the hill districts, which had heavily inflated the count in 2001. This was confirmed later — the 2011 census reported a negative growth rate of five per cent in the hill districts, whereas growth remained positive in Dimapur. If delimitation is conducted as per the 2011 census, then Dimapur will gain six seats at the expense of the hill districts.

So, deferring delimitation to the distant future is not a durable solution to the problem of ethnic competition. The government made the process of enumeration transparent by including all stakeholders in the census exercise. It convinced them that, in the interests of the Naga people, it was taking care to prevent manipulation in the census. However, how long this new consensus among the people on not interfering with official statistics will hold will depend critically on balanced regional and sectoral growth in Nagaland outside the public sector of the economy. With armed conflict on the ebb, this should not be difficult. In addition to the immense potential for tourism and handicrafts industries, Nagaland, being the second most literate State in the country, has the essential human capital for growth in the service sector.

(Ankush Agrawal and Vikas Kumar are with the Institute of Economic Growth, Delhi, and Azim Premji University, Bangalore, respectively.)

Nagas Find Identity in Chennai

Vepery Church at Egmore, where Naga Christian Fellowship Chennai (NCFC) conducts its service.

“Hardwork and simplicity are the identity of Chennai city, which cannot be compared with any other place,” said Wapangtoshi, pastor of Naga Christian Fellowship Chennai (NCFC).

It was not so long ago in the early 1980s that just a few fortunate students got the opportunity through the government entrance exams to come to Chennai for better education and higher technical learning. In 1985 a students’ union was formed.

Today the number of people staying in Chennai is more than 400 and it increases with every passing year as students stay back for better job opportunities.

“I came here 15 years ago to get a job. I found the city and the lifestyle of people much better than in most places I have been to,” said Takameren Longkumer, who is settled in Chennai and is working in a private company.

The Nagas became content with living in Chennai both as students and as workers. “The best thing about being settled in Chennai is that I will see my children get proper education in good schools and that they will have a future full of hope,” said Ramreingam Vashum, a government employee.

“Everything about the city is so good. The people are hard working and generous, there is no class distinction and now I have finally adapted to the weather. However, the only thing that bothers me is the traffic and the speeding of vehicles on highways,” said Takameren.

The first NCFC service was held in the year 1985 at English Wesley Church in St. Thomas Mount. From then till the present day, NCFC has been conducting service at different churches with the guidance and generosity of the local people. Now NCFC service is conducted at Vepery Church Egmore.

“It is only because of the local people that we are able to perform our duties to God as we cannot afford to buy a land as most of the Nagas are students. The Sunday service is held to encourage each other to excel and learn from the Gospel and also to remind ourselves the purpose of coming here,” said Wapangtoshi pastor of NCFC about the Naga service in Chennai.

Going gaga over naga cuisine
Naga reju, a small Naga restaurant with its tagline “A little far away from home” was opened by Maong Jamir six years ago when he realised the need of Naga food for the Nagas residing in Chennai.
“I came to Chennai in 1999 as a management student and during my stay I started missing home food and Naga dishes. Thus, after my studies, I decided to open a Naga restaurant that provided Naga dishes as the Naga population started increasing,” said Maong Jamir.

Naga Reju — ‘Reju’ meaning tribal house — was also opened to make people aware of Naga dishes and its specialities, much like South Hotel in Dimapur, Nagaland, where you get south Indian dishes such as idli and dosa for the south Indians settled in Nagaland.

Bamboo shoot and king chilli are the special ingredients of Naga dishes. King chilli, which is also known as Naga Mircha, is the hottest chilli in the world and is a favoured ingredient for most of the dishes.

“Curiosity about Naga food is always the first thing we hear from people who come to our restaurant for the first time,” said Maong Jamir.

First Naga To Climb Everest Hailed

Kohima, Jun 20 : Nagaland government will on Thursday felicitate Major Neikhrietuonuo Linyu, the first Naga to conquer Mount Everest, at Raj Bhavan in Kohima.

According to the programme, Governor Nikhil Kumar and chief minister Neiphiu Rio will address the gathering in which a presentation will be made by Linyu, a doctor with the Indian Army.

Part of the Indian Army mountaineering team that which included four women officers, Linyu scaled Everest on May 25 becoming the first Naga woman to record this feat. At present, she is posted in Agra and in the past has been a part of the UN peacekeeping force in Congo.

Neikhrietuonuo, daughter of Pelhousenyu Linyu and the eldest among five siblings, did her schooling from Don Bosco higher secondary school in Kohima and went on to complete MBBS from RIMS, Imphal after passing her PU from Science College, Jotsoma. She is.

The expedition was carried out through South ( Nepal) which is known as the traditional route, from which Sir Edmund Hillary and Tenzing Norgay had first climbed the peak.

Earlier, Nagaland CM Neiphiu Rio congratulated Linyu and observed that the achievement is a landmark for the state and her feat should inspire Naga youths to strive towards excellence to bring glory to the state and the country.

He also said that her achievement should be particularly inspirational for Naga women and proves that our youth and women are capable of reaching the highest standards in the international arena.

Search For Quality Mithuns in Northeast’s Mountains

By Samudra Gupta Kashyap

Guwahati, May 25 : Scientists at the National Research Centre on Mithun (NRCM) at Jharnapani in Nagaland have broken new grounds by carrying out a successful embryo transfer, leading to the birth of the first ever mithun calf through this method. Mohan, as the newly-born calf has been christened, was delivered by a healthy female mithun on May 12 after she played the role of a surrogate mother.

“It is a landmark case, especially because the population of this animal is not in a comfortable status. The embryo transfer technology (ETT) that we resorted to will definitely help propagate quality germplasm of this magnificent species of animal,” says NRCM principal scientist K K Baruah. The NRCM in Nagaland is one of the several such research centres for different animals under the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR).

Similar efforts have been successfully carried out on cow, sheep, goat and horse, but this is the first time such an experiment has succeeded on mithun, claims Baruah. “Mithuns being exposed to the wild have been suffering from cross-breeding as well as in-breeding, posing a major threat to this animal so dear to the tribal communities in the Northeastern states. The ETT method has raised hopes of creating a quality stock of mithuns,” says Baruah.

Others who worked in the ETT team were NRCM director Chandan Rajkhowa, senior scientists M Mondal and Bhaskar Bora, while B C Sarmah, B C Deka and D J Dutta from the College of Veterinary Sciences, Guwahati, and Dr P Chakraborty from NRC on Yak in Dirang (Arunachal Pradesh).

Mithun (Bos frontalis) is the domesticated form of gaur (Bos gaurus) and is often referred to as the “ship of the highland” or “cattle of the mountains”. It is an example of the integration of agro-ecology, subsistence livelihood, culture and livestock rearing. People, however, mostly do not keep them at home, and let them remain in the jungles. They are reared under free range condition in dense forests in a very unique manner, with zero input, at altitudes ranging from 300 to 3,000 metres above sea level.

The last census conducted for mithuns in 2007 had put the number of this animal at around 2.64 lakh, of which Arunachal Pradesh alone had roughly 82 per cent of them. Nagaland (12.6%), Manipur (3.8%) and Mizoram (0.8%) are the other states where mithuns can be seen. While mithun is also consumed as meat, its milk is very rich in fat, proteins and other nutrients, compared to other milch animals. Moreover, its hides, when processed, give one of the best quality leathers.

The NRCM that has been engaged in propagation of mithuns in the region has been working on this project for the last five years. “Since mithuns are largely used as a meat animal, it is very important to promote better animals, which we have been trying to do through preservation and propagation of quality germ-plasm,” says Baruah.

Healthy female mithuns ovulate every 21 days, and give birth to one calf a year. “But since a sizeable population of female mithuns are not in a state of normal ovulation, we think converting them to surrogate mothers by ETT will lead to faster multiplication of mithuns,” he adds.

Comparing ETT to artificial insemination, Baruah says while the latter process only spreads superior male genetics across a herd of animals, embryo transfer technology would now help spread superior female genetics across a specific herd or even in many herds. “Moreover, each of these offspring like Mohan would potentially carry superior traits of the original mother, such as increased weight gain and more milk apart from disease control,” he adds.

The Business Of Nagaland

Aided by India’s growing outreach with both Myanmar and other Naga rebel groups—Nagaland’s future will continue to be India-led, and Myanmar-blessed

By Sudeep Chakravarti

There was a buzz about Nagaland this past week, at least in regional security and political circles, and even for those who eye business in this part of India abutting Myanmar, where political temperatures appear to be cooling and India’s make-nice diplomacy to counter-balance China appears to be paying off.

Lafarge SA. Photo by Bloomberg

A group of ambassadors from the European Union countries swung by for a three-day tour of Nagaland earlier this week. They met top officials and various power centres of Nagaland in Kohima, the capital set deep in the Naga Hills; and ended their quite unusual visit with a meeting in Dimapur—the state’s flatland commercial hub—at the local chamber of commerce. The envoys spoke of the possibility of their countries and the European Commission facilitating development, commerce and investment.Local power circles were abuzz too that Lafarge SA is in preliminary discussion with Nagaland’s leadership for establishing a limestone and shale mining facility in south-eastern Phek district of Nagaland to feed a planned cement plant in nearby contiguous Myanmar. This “bilateral” model could be a template of Lafarge Umiam Mining Pvt. Ltd, a subsidiary, with its quarrying operation in Meghalaya to feed by conveyer a Lafarge-controlled cement plant across the border in Bangladesh. Representatives of several hydrocarbon businesses, both Indian and overseas, too have been nosing around, as talk builds up about the state government considering the exploration of petroleum in three districts of Nagaland.

Loud as these buzzes were, the loudest was over implications of a major Naga rebel group, National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Khaplang), whose reclusive leader, S.S. Khaplang, an “Eastern” Naga, operates out of a base in Myanmar, signing a ceasefire deal with Myanmar’s authorities in April. The deal replicates the arrangement this faction has with the government of India within the boundaries of Nagaland. But the Myanmar deal goes farther. There is even talk of an autonomous region for Eastern Nagas.
Insiders also mention a corollary deal—unwritten—by which the Khaplang faction will cease to offer support and sanctuary in Myanmar to two key Manipuri rebel groups, the United National Liberation Front and the People’s Liberation Army. This will directly bolster India’s security construct.

The Khaplang-led Naga rebel faction has also upped rhetoric aimed at its chief rival, National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak Muivah, or NSCN (I-M), the largest and most powerful Naga rebel group led by Isak Chishi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah, which with near-impunity runs parallel governments in most Naga regions in India. The I-M grouping, sometimes called “the mother of all rebel groups” for its propensity to nurture, train and supply rebel groups in the North-East to upset India’s equilibrium as well as keep up a stream of influence and revenue, is also in ceasefire mode. But it has for long held out with its demand for a greater “Nagalim” that, besides Nagaland, would include the contiguous Naga-majority regions in Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam.

In a distinct departure from its arch-rivals, leaders from the Khaplang group have made statements about Nagaland and Naga regions elsewhere having their unique needs and futures—a stand that pleases India and Myanmar. A third Naga rebel faction, NSCN (Unification), also in talks with India, has made similar noises this past week. The NSCN (I-M) group, sensing a flanking manoeuvre—it openly accuses India of helping things along—has hit back with strong comments, putting in doubt an already faltering reconciliation process among various Naga rebel groups. The Forum for Naga Reconciliation, a church- and civil society-led initiative, has planned a reconciliation meeting on 21 May at Chiang Mai in northern Thailand, the site of earlier reconciliation meetings—even photo-op soccer matches in 2008 and 2009 among various factions. The meeting early next week is in jeopardy, with both the I-M and Khaplang factions declining to attend.
Indeed, I heard talk among Naga security watchers in Kohima and Dimapur earlier this week that some hardliners and “next generation” leaders in NSCN (I-M) are so upset with the recent play of its rivals and Indian’s security mandarins that it has prepared Plan B: breaking away from the ceasefire and setting up safe bases along the border with China, parts of Myanmar and Bangladesh. Should this happen, conflict will be intense and severely affect civilians.

Equally, however, there is a parallel sentiment that with NSCN (I-M) relatively cornered—aided by India’s growing outreach with both Myanmar and other Naga rebel groups—Nagaland’s future will continue to be India-led, and Myanmar-blessed. Alongside, with Manipur’s rebels under pressure, it’s a major step to secure the region.

Sudeep Chakravarti writes on issues of conflict in South Asia. He is the author of Red Sun: Travels in Naxalite Country and the just-published Highway 39: Journeys through a Fractured Land.

Headhunter Hospitality: A Tribal Homestay in Nagaland

Hanging out with the opium-smoking, formerly headhunting, mobile phone-toting Konyak people in northeast India

By Divya Dugar 

The real deal

Headhunting has been banned for decades, but the old Konyak warriors are nostalgic for their fighting days. Warriors can be spotted by the tattoos they gained from taking a head, as well as necklaces of brass head pendants; one brass head for each real one taken.



King of Konyaks
The Angh (right) is head of 75 Konyak villages in India and Burma. His house lies directly on top of the Burmese border. "Half of my house is in India and the other part in Burma, so I switch all the time between the two countries."



Lady of ink

The Chatai of Nyahnyu (right) and her mother-in-law grinding rice. "I wonder when I will tattoo men's faces again," says the queen who is the only one permitted to make tattoos.



Gun-loving Christians

An elderly Konyak Naga showing off his gun before going for Sunday mass. More than 90 percent of indigenous tribes in Nagaland have converted to Christianity.



Beads and the Bible

Princess Nahtei (right) with her assistant Phetpot wearing traditional beads. The princess attends Bible lessons as a devout Christian.



Past life

An elderly Konyak: "My grandson finds my facial tattoos funny and wonders when he can have them, but those times are gone now."

Poppy pleasure

The Konyak suffer from a big opium addiction that began in the days of British colonialism. At any time of the day, Konyak can be found sucking from bamboo pipes in their longhouses.



Axe-proud

A former headhunter, proud of his past, posing with his axe: "I have cut enemies' heads with this axe and I will always keep it with me."



Rustic digs

Traditional housing in Nyahnyu.



Old school threads

Men in traditional attire, decorated with tusks of wild boar, conch shells, trimmed goat hair and feathers from various birds.



The next generation

Konyak kids fooling around with a gun. It's probably a game of "headhunters and robbers."

Northeast Was Never A Part Of India

INTERVIEW/S.S. Khaplang, Chairman, NSCN(K)



The godfather: Khaplang with NSCN(K) cadres in eastern Nagaland. Photo by Rajeev Bhattacharyya SS. Khaplang, or Baba, as he is popularly known, is behind the confederation of ultras in northeastern India. He calls himself president of the Government of the People's Republic of Nagaland (GPRN), and he sheltered in eastern Nagaland several rebel outfits during Indian and Bhutanese military operations against them. Excerpts from an 
interview:

Looking back, how do you see the movement that you have headed for so many decades?

Nagas in eastern Nagaland have come a long way since the beginning of the revolt in the early 1960s. The Naga National Council did not make much of an impact in our areas. A decisive phase was when the National Socialist Council of Nagaland was founded in 1980. But, unfortunately, it split after a few years, for reasons that were beyond our control.

But our movement never suffered reverses, since we had overwhelming support. The scenario has changed greatly. The time has come to join hands with like-minded organisations to achieve independence and sovereignty.

Your role in bringing together northeastern rebel organisations?

Eastern Nagaland and the northeast are natural allies. Our relationship with northeastern revolutionary organisations goes back several years. Groups like the United Liberation Front of Asom, United National Liberation Front and People's Liberation Army [both from Manipur] have worked in close collaboration with us. We all had a role, in different capacities, in forging the united front.

What difference will the united front make in your campaign for independence and sovereignty?

The northeast was never a part of India. Likewise, eastern Nagaland has always remained independent. If we work together, it would be easier to achieve independence, sovereignty and recognition in international fora. A united front would benefit us, in terms of sharing information and operational coordination.

How safe are the camps in eastern Nagaland?

Our policy is simple—if you don't attack us, we won't attack you. Myanmar had proposed a ceasefire, but we have rejected the proposal. Signing the agreement would mean accepting other demands, gradually. There is an informal understanding with Myanmar and there has not been any offensive against us in the past few years. This agreement has helped all organisations work in cooperation and chalk out a common agenda.

But India has been pressuring Myanmar to initiate action against rebel camps.

We are quite aware of that and we will be extra careful. On several occasions, in the late 1970s and early 1980s, the Indian Army ventured into Myanmar and launched campaigns against us. All these have stopped now, but we will be prepared for all eventualities. Our issue is genuine, and it will be difficult to crush the movement.

The NSCN(K) also has a ceasefire agreement with India. You seem to have struck a fine balance, unlike other revolutionary groups in the region.
Yes, we told the Indian government that we will remain friendly if you do not launch operations against us. The ceasefire agreement was signed in 2001.

About the split in NSCN(K) and the ongoing peace process between NSCN(IM) and India.

Commander-in-chief Kholie Konyak and general secretary N. Kitovi Zimomi snapped ties with us  because they are not committed to our objectives. They are unlikely to achieve anything for the Nagas as they do not have any agenda. They played into the hands of the Indian intelligence agencies.

The same holds true for the NSCN(IM), by and large. In fact, NSCN(IM) general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah has already indicated the possibility of an accord with India, which would never 
grant independence to the Nagas. This is unacceptable to us. The [best] opportunity to integrate Naga-inhabited areas was in the early 1960s. This opportunity was not grabbed.

Future projections of the movement?
Our movement is getting stronger. We will achieve independence 
and sovereignty, if all organisations fight together. This will be 
some kind of a confederation comprising eastern Nagaland and the northeast, similar to the [federation in the] US.

'Te Amo' Will Showcase Real Picture of Northeast: Rebecca Alemla Changkija

By Raymond Ronamai

Some dream big, some dream small. Some live their dreams while others not. Rebecca Alemla Changkija, from Changki, Mokokchung, Nagaland is one girl who is living her dream big. She is foraying into Bollywood as a producer through the film "Te Amo", which has gone to the floors. She thinks nothing is impossible in life if we really try.

In an exclusive interview to IBTimes, the hard working girl from Nagaland says she will expose the beauty of Northeast through her film. Here are the excerpts from the Interview with Rebecca Alemla Changkija.

You are perhaps the first person from Nagaland state or even maybe from Northeast India to produce a Bollywood film. How is Bollywood treating you?

I feel really honoured. Since my 2nd standard, I used to dream about Bollywood. Well those days, serials like "Chandrakanta," "Mogli" and "Cinderella" used to be my favourite, so it's truly like a dream come true (to be in Bollywood).  It does not matter at all whether I am the first producer from Nagaland or from Northeast. At the end of the day, what matters is 'wisdoms from God' and how you make your 'dreams possible'. Nothing is impossible in life if you give your 100 %. Of course I sincerely enjoy the love and care from my well wishers and my loved ones.  Working in Bollywood really needs lots of hard work, passion and patience, and I have a long way to go, still learning and yet to learn a lot. I am just like a new born baby here and I wanna gown up really big here in Bollywood as a good human being and a great filmmaker.

What is your film "Te Amo" all about?
"Te Amo" is based on the story of young boys who are trying to make it big in the music industry. Although the backdrop of the movie is musical entertainer with youth comedy, the movie basically is an emotional love story of the main lead singer and his childhood friend. It will be shot in North Eastern states like Shillong (Meghalaya), Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh, and I hope it becomes a big hit. It has more than 10 songs for today's youth with music by real time musical bands. More than four music directors are composing the tracks for the movie.

"Te Amo" is a Hindi film but the title draws lots of curiosity as it is a Spanish word meaning 'I Love You'. Any special reason behind the title of the film?
"Te Amo" though a Spanish word is a song from "Dum Maro Dum" and youth knows that very well. As far as other viewers are concerned, we are having the words "I love you" in the posters which will make it clear that it's a Hindi movie. We wanted a title different from the regular movies.

You said the film will be shot entirely in Northeast. It will be sort of a visual treat from Northeast for Indians who haven't visited the region.
Oh Yes, many people do not know how beautiful Northeast is - rich culture, hospitality etc. Hope "Te Amo" brings the real picture of Northeast for those people who have less knowledge of the region.

Do you think you can capture the beauty of the region better than the others (Bollywood filmmakers), you being from the region?
Since I am from Northeast, I have a better knowledge of the locations out there, which are still unexposed in Bollywood. Moreover, I have a very creative team who are involved in this movie project. They make simple location look beautiful. So now, since we have a lovely location, my hopes are doubled that they will capture the entire place better than any other films made till date.

Please tell us about the cast of your film?
The lead actor is Panhk Awani. He was Mr Chhattisgarh 2011 and holds more than 25 titles to his credit. Actor and model Asif Khan and Japanese supermodel Ayoko play main supporting roles. Naga actor Chuzho Zhokhoi and singer Alobo Naga are also in the cast. Two rock bands from Northeast will also perform in the movie. However, the casting for the lead actress is still on.

Casting a person from Northeast in the lead role could give a different feel to the film. What do you say?
Well, according to our script, lead role from Northeast will not suit, but yes we have few actors from Nagaland. Hope "Te Amo" brings lots of love and peace among us.

Tell us something about the director of the movie.
Writer and director Shiraz Henry is into fashion photography and also the chief of photography for an international Bollywood magazine BNA Germany. He has a long record of capturing ads, photographs etc. and is a successful photographer in Bollywood . His first movie '"Beyond the 3rd Kind", which is aimed for film festivals across the globe, has been completed. "Te Amo" is his second movie and he plans to shoot it like a Hollywood movie with songs, dance, comedy and youth. He is working in few more projects which have already been launched and will be shot after "Te Amo".

The first song of the film was recorded with singers Shahid Mallya and Pamela Jain. Has the song come out good?
Oh yes, our first song is been recorded successfully very romantic and melodious song. Working with them was an amazing experience.

The first song was composed by Abuzar Rizvi. How was it working with him?
Music Director Abuzar Rizvi and lyricist Anjaan Sagari of "Welcome" fame have done excellent job. Can't ask for more. Hats off to both of them.

Are you roping in well known singers and musicians for the film?
Bollywood well known singer Shaan and Alobo Naga & Band from Nagaland will grace with their melodious voice.

Do you think small-budgeted films without star actors can be successful at the box office?
Someone has rightly said that 'there is no such thing as small budget or big budget movies; a movie is either good movie or a bad movie'. As far as new faces in lead roles are concerned, these days movies like "Pyaar Ka Punchnama", "Tere bin Laden" etc have done good business at the box office though they didn't have established actors. We are making this movie for the youth with 'out and out comedy', music and romance that no youth would like to miss.

Any projects in offing from your production house Find Studioz?
Find Studioz is currently producing a movie for film festival titled "The Horizon & The Adopted" besides "Te Amo". Then there is a commercial Hindi film titled "Vampire Sucks", which is an out and out comedy with international actor Brandon J.Hill playing the vampires role. This project will be shot in the exotic location of Cherapunjee and will have humour of different genre.

To report problems or to leave feedback about this article, e-mail: r.ronamai@ibtimes.com

Nagaland Earns Rs 8 Cr A Year From Lottery

Kohima, Apr 10 : The Nagaland Finance Department has earned an average revenue of Rs eight crore per year during the last five years, against the average yearly target of Rs seven crore by way of conducting lotteries.

According to the Annual Administrative Report of the Nagaland Finance Department, after the introduction of the Lotteries (Regulation) Rules, 2010, a uniform set of rules issued by the Union Ministry of Home Affairs on April 1, 2010, the total number of daily draws had been reduced from 9000 to 24 draws per day only and 8688 draws in a year, thereby drastically reducing the sales volumes.

However, through timely remedial measures of the state government, the earnings of the department have increased, it said. The ratio of the department's earning is very high as compared to the total expenditure.

The report said in order to improve the revenue earnings, the Department has initiated three measures to charge Rs 2000 per draw from the lotteries of other states being sold in Nagaland as per the Lotteries (Regulation) Rules, 2010, to encourage the distributors of Nagaland State Lotteries to conduct more bumper draws.

If this attempt is successful, the government may even double the existing rate fixed at Rs 7.50 lakh per bumper draw. The Administrative Report, laid in the recently concluded Nagaland Assembly Session, also said that attempts were being made to revive major markets in states like Kerala and Karnataka who have imposed high taxes on sale of lotteries of other states in reported violation of the Lotteries (Regulation) Rules, 2010 passed by the Union Ministry of Home Affairs.

The acts, rules and regulations under which the Directorate of Nagaland State Lotteries functions are, Nagaland State Lotteries Rules, 1972 (for conventional and paper lotteries), Lotteries (Regulation) Act, 1998, Nagaland State Online Lotteries Rules, 2003 (for on-line lotteries), Nagaland State Lottery Rules, 2007 (for Paper and on-line lotteries) and Lotteries (Regulation) Rules, 2010, the report said.

Is Shared Sovereignty the Future of Nagaland?

Globalisation and inter-dependence have pushed Naga rebels to reassess their goals. Is peace within reach, asks Avalok Langer Blowin’ in the wind Rebel leaders with the flag of Nagaland Photo: Benjamin Sugathan

FOR 64 YEARS, the Naga struggle for sovereignty has been based on the idea of ‘urra uvie (our land belongs to us)’. Over the years, a sense of a collective Naga identity has been instilled and the idea of sovereignty based on their historical rights and cultural identity has become real. Warring factions created a sovereignty hyperbole, something akin to the idea of Kashmir’s azadi, where the fight for independence was about “all or nothing” and the cause that justified the violence was sovereignty. However, at the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) meeting on 29 February in Dimapur, Nagaland, addressing thousands of Nagas from all walks of life and all Naga-inhabited areas (Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Nagaland and Myanmar), National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Kitovi-Khole) Chairman Gen Khole Konyak explained that independence for Nagas in the present international context was not possible nor was Greater Nagaland. “It is a practical reality, necessitated not because of the aggressive posture of the Government of India but a realisation that Naga nationalism must be evoked in the right spirit through practical wisdom as opposed to idealist views on sovereignty and independence,” he said.

A statement that, for the first time, touched on the issue of sovereignty in a public forum and gave an inkling of what the future might hold.

“Sovereignty, or the denial of it, has been a bone of contention between the Nagas and the Government of India since 1947,” says Father Abraham Lotha, a Naga intellectual. But what has resulted in this changing definition? A change that is being seen as a progressive and positive step.

Over the past six decades, there has been a paradigm shift and the idea of globalisation and inter-dependence has taken root not only in India but among the Nagas as well. Exposed to the idea of a global village, young Nagas aped the hairstyles of their favourite Korean movie stars and political stands of the ‘underground’ softened. Sovereignty underwent an adjustment.

“How we defined sovereignty 50 years ago does not fit into today’s context,” explains a Naga rebel. “Both sovereignty and self-determination are still key, but we will adjust our demands to the needs of a modern world.”

‘Shared sovereignty’ is the new catch-phrase in Nagaland, says Father Lotha. “We aren’t very sure what ‘shared sovereignty’ means. We don’t know what we will give to India and what India will give us. But what we do know is that no country is sovereign in the old understanding of the word; we are all inter-dependent.”

Another contributing factor was the military stalemate. As the decades passed, the death toll mounted. The Indian government’s military response to a political problem created a deadlock. While it contained the ‘insurgency’, sporadic violence continued. “The harsh and sad reality of India is that for every soldier killed, there are a hundred waiting to take his place,” explains a senior army officer. “Yes, you can create an irritant, but you cannot win in a battle of attrition.”

The implication of this mindset is that violence cannot provide any solution. Whether it is in Kashmir or the Northeast, the Centre has shown its willingness to take on losses and bide its time for an opportune moment.

‘The demand for complete sovereignty has vanished from the younger generation,’ says 28-year-old Zakie

But the protracted violence in Nagaland and other parts of the Northeast has created ‘conflict fatigue’. The local population — the support base of the movements — has grown wary of the violence, extortion, lack of normalcy and development. They are stuck between the cause: sovereignty, which is close to their heart, and the reality, which falls horribly short of what was promised.

“The demand for complete sovereignty has vanished from the younger generation and the Naga intellectuals,” says businessman Zakie, 28. “Complete sovereignty is neither possible nor will it be to our advantage. Though there is a sense of optimism after the recent FNR meeting, many people are jaded. We have heard these promises before.”

Former Union Home Secretary GK Pillai believes that, “When the Naga groups came to the negotiation table, the understanding was that sovereignty is something that the Indian government cannot give. However, the negotiation must result in a win-win situation, an honourable solution. The first step is for the Naga groups to go back to the people and explain to them, we were fighting for X, but we are getting Y, which is an honourable solution and in the best interest of both parties. They need to get the people to support the agreement. Then we will have a lasting solution.”

A young member of the Naga underground very candidly expresses, “This political struggle has been on for many years now, but there is a growing feeling that if we don’t do something now and seize the moment, it will not be wise on our part. We will talk to the people, understand what they want and then go ahead with the negotiations.”

The FNR meeting, in which four resolutions were passed and a desire expressed to create a common platform, is being seen as the ‘first step’. Though there are still hurdles, the progressive approach provides hope that the contours of a lasting peace could be seen by the end of this year.

KASHMIR TOO has reached a military stalemate and life in the Valley is anything but normal. Azadi is the war cry and various separatist leaders rally around the cause to assert their dominance. Does the Naga movement hold a lesson for India’s other longstanding dispute?

Pillai feels that though the Pakistan factor makes Kashmir a different ballgame, “the idea of globalisation, soft borders and being exposed to what is happening in Pakistan has resulted in a shift”. “Pakistan is no longer an option; the options are azadi and India. This shift has taken 50 years. You have to give it time,” he says.

The longer the movement lasts, the graver the consequences are for the local populace. So, is a shift in mindset required from both sides?

Dilip Padgaonkar, one of the interlocutors sent to Kashmir last year, believes that the solution lies within the idea of India itself. “In the Valley, sovereignty is co-equal to a ‘State’. When that is the understanding, in a region where people feel oppressed, the demand for sovereignty comes up. Realpolitik or armed conflict is a nonstarter. The idea of India allows for people to follow their political aspirations. We have seen that the Constitution of India has proven to be very flexible and allowed space for this kind of aspiration. The most recent example of this space is the creation of Gorkhaland, a purely constitutional solution to people’s aspirations.”

Hurriyat (G) leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani’s visit to New Delhi and interactions with different civil society members are being seen as a softening of his otherwise hardline stand. Could this be a step in a new direction?

Over the years, there has been one constant, the Indian government will not give complete sovereignty. This is the stark reality facing the rebel outfits: Is prolonged conflict in pursuit of an outdated idea of sovereignty worth it, especially when New Delhi is comfortable with protracted deployment? Maybe there is a lesson to be learnt from the Naga rebel outfits — to stay relevant, you must evolve.

At the end of the day, the groups have to realise that in a people’s movement, the mandate is in the hands of the people.

Avalok Langer is a Correspondent with Tehelka. avalok@tehelka.com

Over 52,000 Nagas Meet To Chart A Path To Peace

The most important factor in any ‘peoples’ movement are the people. No solution is possible without them and though peace still remains elusive, this meeting— with its resolutions and recommendations—will make the groups accountable, and give the Naga people a stake in their future, says Avalok Langer
(From right to left) Thuingaleng Muivah and Isak Swu of the NSCN (IM), Gen Khole and Kitovi Zhimomi of the NSCN (KK) and Brig. Singnya and Zhopra Vero of the NNC/FGN at the meeting of the Forum for Naga Reconciliation on 29 February “The biggest hurdle in finding a solution to the 64-year-old Indo–Naga dispute is that the Nagas are confused. They do not know what they want; how will a solution ever come?” explained a government official to TEHELKA less than two weeks ago. However, on Wednesday 29 February, in Dimapur, Nagaland, 52,000 Nagas from all walks of life spoke in one voice and ratified four resolutions presented in the landmark meeting of the Forum for Naga Reconciliation. Spearheaded by the Naga National Council (NNC) in 1946, the Naga struggle for sovereignty, which they claim based on their historical rights, has seen many twists and turns. The movement that started under one leader, Dr AZ Phizo, the NNC has many claimants today, in seven different ‘underground’ groups. Despite a ceasefire with the Centre, infighting between the groups has ensured that peace and relative normalcy in Nagaland remains elusive.

What compounds the problem is that though the negotiations between Government of India and Th Muivah and Isaak Swu of NSCN (IM) are in their ‘final stages’, a lasting solution is only possible if all seven groups as well as the Naga people endorse the solution. In light of this, Wednesday’s meeting could be a step in the right direction.

Three ‘underground’ groups—National Socialist Council of Nagaland [Isaak-Muivah] NSCN (IM); National Socialist Council of Nagaland [Kitovi-Khole] NSCN (KK); National Socialist Council of Nagaland [Khaplang] NSCN (K); Naga National Council/Federal Government Nagaland (NNC/FGN)—along with 52,000 Nagas from different civil societies, villages, churches and states have ratified four resolutions. The main thrust of which are:

1: Admit that the long history of the Naga conflict has inflicted deep and inexpressible pain to the Naga people, own up to their own sins, acknowledge and support those who have apologised and sought forgiveness.

Impact: This admission of guilt and subsequent forgiveness has been seen as the first step to burying years of bad blood and reconciliation.

2: End all armed conflict as of 29th February 2012.

Impact: For years now, bad blood between the groups has resulted in violence. Sporadic violence continues, but the people of Nagaland are committed to peace, that is the need of the hour.

3: They acknowledged the role, commitment and contributions of the Naga National Counil, AZ Phizo, SS Khaplang, Myanmar-based chairman of NSCN (K), Gen (Retd) Khole and Brig (Retd) Singnya.

Impact: While this may seem trivial to some, it is a big step. Phizo, Khaplang, Khole and Singya have all played a significant role in the struggle and cannot be sidelined or forgotten. This seems to be a move to placate hurt sentiments and bring them into the peace process. This is also important in light of the recent statement made by the NSCN (Khaplang) leadership who want to re-engage in the reconciliation and peace process.

4: They agreed that sovereignty lies with the Naga people and their will is supreme. Any negotiation process must focus on how the Nagas can determine, safeguard and exercise their historical and political rights in a contemporary and inter-related world.

Impact: Sovereignty has been an uneasy topic amongst the Nagas, and with globalisation, the idea of sovereignty itself has changed. It is believed that ‘absolute’ or ‘complete’ sovereignty is no longer possible, but a special arrangement with the Centre which allows the Nagas to govern themselves could be the way forward.

The biggest impact of this meeting was the recommendation made by the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) to form an expert body or common platform. The body will comprise experts and intellectual who will debate, discuss and chart the next step in the Naga journey. Though the recommendation was not ratified, if created it will allow the Naga people to join and shape the peace process. The most important factor in any ‘peoples’ movement are the people. No solution is possible without them and though peace still remains elusive, this meeting— with its resolutions and recommendations—will make the groups accountable, and give the Naga people a stake in their future.

Avalok Langer is a Correspondent with Tehelka. avalok@tehelka.com

Nagaland: Where Life Is A Song...

By Juanita Kakoty,

Those who have been to the Naga Hills would know that the landscape is sheer poetry and the air is strung with melodies — melodies that have a very long past.

At a time when language had no written forms, generations taught the younger ones to act, live and work through songs. These songs also kept the memories of ancestors, brave warriors and legends alive in people’s minds.

Mercy Tetseo, the eldest of the lovely Tetseo Sisters, tells me, “Naga folk music is oral storytelling. It is all about sharing stories about why certain practices and faiths are carried out. For every activity in rural life, there is a song talking about the lessons and processes. Also, these songs help identify the territory of activity and the actors — that is, say, what kind of an agricultural activity is on, conducted by people of which clan, tribe and village.”

Giving an example, she talks of how when people of a clan and village are working together in the fields, they sing some songs through their work. And when the day’s work is done, they sing a different set of songs. “This is like announcing that it is time to return home. Those individuals working far away from the group take these songs as a signal.”

Folk songs have been a part of every Naga’s life. Yet, in current times, the Tetseo Sisters — Mercy, Azi, Kuvelu and Alune — are the cultural ambassadors who have brought Naga folk music, in its pure form, to a larger audience outside the state of Nagaland. They have been performing and acquainting people with this form of storytelling, with much appreciation from listeners, within and outside India and have recently released the album Li: Chapter One. The Beginning.

“We sing the old folk songs of the Chakesang clan. We have not tampered with the melody or words,” says Mercy as she speaks about taking folk music out of a clan and making it available to a wider audience. “We have retained the original story; but dropped the repetition of verses.” The Tetseo Sisters use traditional instruments to accompany their songs like the single-stringed Tati, which has been used for eons by the Chakesang and Angami Nagas. The Tati is made of either dried bottle gourd or the mithun horn. The mithun is the state animal of Nagaland; a semi-domesticated guar found only in the northeastern parts of India.

There are 16 main tribes in Nagaland, each with a number of clans. The repository of folk music in the land, therefore, is huge. But things changed in the 19th century with the coming of Christianity. “That was the time,” Mercy says, “When people forwent their traditional ways of life – their jewelry, music and dance, animistic beliefs, etc. Folk songs gave way to hymns that were made accessible in local dialects. People picked up the new in their religious fervor and forgot the past.” The young crusader tells me that the Tetseo Sisters share an inheritance. In the early 80s, Mercy’s mother and a few others revived folk singing and dancing in the face of stiff opposition from the Chakesang Church and Village Council. “Eventually, the church started accepting folk singing in its premises; and that was a huge shift.”

The modern era, fused with Christianity and westernisation, greatly alienated the urban from the rural in Nagaland. Talking of growing up in a city, Mercy recalls, “Growing up in Kohima, we missed singing out songs in groups while at task as in the villages.

Nevertheless, folk songs seeped into our lives in other ways. I remember gathering around our grandfather and grandmother who used to sing stories to us. Then during festivities, even in the city, we have witnessed people sitting together and singing about various rituals and activities.” In the last 10 years, however, the scenario has been changing. “I have seen younger generations across tribe and clan warming up to folk music. The idea of attending a folk concerts was boring 10 years ago; but now it is cool.”

The Tetseo Sisters should be commended not only for their amazing voices and singing, but also for documenting so well a rich cultural heritage. Going through their blog, one comes across traditional stories that feature in the Chakesang folk songs. The blog sure is a resource. I soak up this useful piece of information on the Chakesang ‘Li’ or folk song from its archives: “Li is made up of chants, harmonised calling usually between two groups or a leader and followers... Li can be sung in eight different voices in unison on both sides (leading side and following side). Most of the Lis are like a conversation thread, so there is the comment and response pattern. Or there is the soulful solo or lilting duet/trio... Adding to the wonderful harmony is the chants and war cry by the menfolk...” And coming from one who has heard it, mark my words, the beauty of Li is mesmerising.