Showing posts with label Articles. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Articles. Show all posts
23 May 2014

India’s Low-Hanging Economic Fruit is in the East – the Northeast

By Col (Retd) Anil Athale

It is good that the verdict of the 2014 general elections is clear and not a fractured one like in 1996 or 1998. The new BJP Prime Minister will find an economy that is on the slide, unemployment on the rise, and security threats worsening due to the emergence of a new cold war, among other things. On top of it all are the heightened expectations of a young and restless population.


But the first challenge before the new PM is to restore the power and prestige of the office of the Prime Minister. The erosion in the authority of this office that took place over the last 10 years is unprecedented – something not seen even during the tenures of Deve Gowda and IK Gujral, who ran shaky minority governments.

This erosion happened because the PM chose to play second fiddle to the UPA chairperson. As any administrator knows, power comes from the ability to reward or punish. In the case of the outgoing government, the power of rewards was in the hands of Sonia Gandhi, who controlled even minor appointments in the central government and its offshoots.

These appointees owed their personal loyalties to the ‘family’ and not the PM. Is it any wonder that the PM was unable to implement almost any policy? In the days of monarchy, the sceptre represented the power of the king. Even in its democratic ‘avatar’, the speaker of Parliament sits in the shadow of a ‘mace’, or sceptre.

The outgoing government was guilty of letting the sceptre fall into the hands of an unconstitutional authority, thus destroying the cohesion of the executive.

Politics, by its very nature, abhors a vacuum. The power vacuum in UPA-2 was filled by the judiciary, the media and some NGOs. It is easy to blame the judiciary for usurping the policy-making functions of the executive, but it saw the crown lying in the dirt and used the mechanism of the PIL to pick it up. The media, especially 24-hour television, and foreign- funded NGOs, were not far behind. A new PM will have to first wrest back the power of decision-making from these arms of the state and none-state actors. The battle is going to be hard and dirty, so much so that the new PM may find that the just concluded election campaign was a picnic compared to what lies ahead! The problem is that the institutions that acquired this power (the judiciary or the media) got it without corresponding responsibility. So they will fight tooth-and-nail to retain their power.

But while the new government fights these battles and begins to implement much-needed changes and economic reforms, there are three doable, non-controversial policy decisions that can easily yield double-digit economic growth. An economic institute has estimated that each one point rise in GDP propels six million families out of poverty.

The three non-economic measures suggested here are capable of minimally raising GDP growth by one percentage point each! The trinity of measures are:

* Focus economic and foreign policy on the east. The west can wait.
* Re-orient defence policy and reorganise the vast defence machine.
* Prioritise ‘soft power’ export as a major foreign exchange earner and employment generator.

Sanjaya Baru’s book, The Accidental Prime Minister: The making and unmaking of Manmohan Singh, has one intriguing revelation. It says that the outgoing PM’s initiative on open trade with south-east Asia was stalled by Sonia Gandhi and her National Advisory Council (NAC). As someone who has been studying the north-east insurgencies for the last 25 years (including the last few years as the Chhattrapati Shivaji Fellow of the USI), one can say without contradiction that trade with Asean via the land borders of the north-east will save millions of taxpayer rupees by reducing subsidies, generating employment and ushering peace that in turn will reduce defence expenditure.

The first obvious step in this Look East policy is to look at our own North-East first. For instance, the Kaladan river project to connect Sittawe port in Myanmar with Mizoram has been in limbo for the last 30 years! The border connectivity at Moreh in Manipur is primitive with only headloads permitted to be carried across the border! Contrast this with the fanfare and attention given to our trade with Pakistan via the Wagah border or via Uri and Chiken Di Bagh in Kashmir. At the risk of sounding harsh, one can say that Indian foreign policy in the last decade was reduced to a Pakistan policy. Unfortunately for us, the fundamentals of the Pakistani ideology are such that any progress will be a mirage for a few generations.

The ground situation in the Indian North-East is extremely favourable for ending the insurgencies and unrest once and for all. There is a great yearning to join the Indian mainstream and progress economically. A bold initiative in the North-East and the opening up of trade with ASEAN can work wonders for the region as well as the national economy. India’s defence posture is one of the most inefficient and resource wasting postures in the world. Fundamentally, the defence apparatus is still stuck in the British model of ‘Garrison army and expeditionary force ‘. Defence planning, currently left to the armed forces, has become a collection of worst-case-scenarios and their aggregation.

Modernisation has come to mean junior officers in the War Establishment directorate leafing through glossy defence magazines and forwarding demands for the import of the latest weapon systems! The scenario is completed with DRDO (Defence Research and Development Organisation) becoming a giant state within a state with import substitution passing for research and indigenisation of components masquerading as development. Illiterate durbaris in Delhi and many motivated Western commentators have expressed alarm at any hint of India’s review of its nuclear policy.

They forget that pre-emption, when an attack is imminent, is an integral part of any ‘no-first use’ policy. The new government can take its time in drawing up a comprehensive review of security policies. This should follow in three steps.

* Short-term (five years) and long term (20 years) comprehensive reviews of threats to India's security.
* Best mix of nuclear, conventional and sub-conventional forces to deal with them – both in terms of forces and equipment.
* Reform and renewal of the forces and production of weapons at most economical cost within the country.

Since the credibility of the threat of retaliation is a vital ingredient of deterrence (minimum or otherwise), the election of a strong-willed leader like Narendra Modi has already enhanced the credibility of our deterrence. It’s like adding 10 missiles to our arsenal. It is understood that military forces exist to achieve foreign policy goals (guns are the last argument of kings), including security.

In the Nehruvian era, he brilliantly turned it the other way round and used foreign policy to achieve strategic goals. But the 1962 debacle brought home the dangers of this approach. Such is the intellectual laziness of our foreign policy elite that any reference to building strength is ‘denounced’ routinely as an overly ‘muscular’ or provocative approach!

Should one then rather have anaemic policies? The ‘Ai mere watan ke logo’ lament on defeat needs to be banished to the dustbin of history. When next the army asks for new toys, the defence minister must ask some hard questions. Every time I have visited J&K (and that is several score times in the last few years) I am struck by the vast parks of vehicles and equipment parked in the open – and never used even once since 1971, or thousands of T-72 tanks, now being pensioned off and replaced by T-90s, that have never seen a shot fired.

A deep review of the existing defence posture is long overdue. It should be a ‘comprehensive’ exercise and not a truncated one like the Gen Rao committee (teeth-to-tail ratio), the Arun Singh expenditure committee or the Kargil review. These were truncated exercises and episodic and their recommendations were not implemented any way. A total revamp of security will not only yield savings worth 1 percent of GDP but also provide better security. Samuel Huntington (“The Clash of Civilisations”) had mentioned that India was the only country that seemed immune to American cultural power.

He mentioned that Bollywood outpaces Hollywood in the number of movies produced. The influence of Bollywood is all-pervasive in Asia. A fillip to dubbing, etc, will make it even more so. Giving industry status and making finance available will be of help. But even more importantly it is necessary to break the nexus between the underworld and the distribution of cultural products.

Buddhism is India’s greatest cultural export to the world. In the whole of South East Asia, there exists a vast reservoir of Indian cultural capital. To tap it and make India the favourite destination of the world’s Buddhists is not rocket science. If only the Bihar CM, instead of demanding a central package, had spruced up Bodh Gaya, he would be rolling in tourist dollars. All the three measures suggested are doable in the short term and will put India firmly on the path of economic recovery.

This would also silence the doubters about where Modi will find the resources for growth and jobs.

(The author is Coordinator of Inpad, a Pune-based thinktank)


31 March 2014

No Show: Northeast women's Tryst With Politics

By Ninglun Hanghal


The seven states of northeast India present a truly contrasting picture when it comes to its women. On the one hand the region is home to all-powerful women's groups like the Meira Paibis of Manipur, the Naga Mothers Association and the Mizo Women's Federation, which have effectively tackled issues like alcoholism, gender rights and conflict. Moreover, women's participation in the life of the community is not just visible but is in fact one of the most distinctive features of the region. Yet, when it comes to their participation in mainstream politics, very few find a place in the government.

The Northeast collectively sends 24 members to the 545-member Lok Sabha, while the 250 member-strong Rajya Sabha has 13 members from the region. How many women figure in this list? At last count, one member from Meghalaya and two from Assam in the Lower House and one member each from Meghalaya, Tripura and Assam in the Upper House.

Their numbers in the state legislative assemblies are equally dismal, if not worse. Sample this: Mizoram, Tripura, Meghalaya and Nagaland have no women in the state assembly. Of the 60-member assembly in Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur, the former has two female legislators, while the latter has three. Given the size of the state and the higher number of constituencies, Assam has 14 women MLAs among 126 elected representatives.

Clearly, women standing for elections and making their presence felt in the corridors of power, be it at the state or national levels, face tough resistance. So the question that arises is: what is it that is fuelling this regressive trend? "Blame it on deep-rooted patriarchy," says Tiplut Nongbri, Professor at the Centre for Study of Social System at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), Delhi. "Like elsewhere in India strong traditional practices in northeastern societies, too, hold women back from exploring their potential in new spheres," she observes.

Nongbri, who has done extensive work on gender, family and identity in the Northeast, cites the case of the Khasi society in Meghalaya to prove her point. She elaborates, "Earlier, women were not allowed to enter the customary 'durbars' in villages and this continues to this day. That women are being kept away from fighting elections is therefore not a surprise."

According to her, the socialisation process under patriarchy is so internalised that women can't seem to "find the courage to come out and stand for elections as it will be perceived as challenging the system and being disloyal to traditional practices".

But if women are being kept away from political participation on the pretext of social convention, how does this explain the pioneering work done by various women-led rights groups present in all the seven states? Shreema Ningombam, Assistant Professor of Political Science at Nambol College in Manipur, points out that the focus of women's organisations such as the Meira Paibis is mainly on issues like conflict and militarisation and their impact on the lives of the locals, including women. "Their energy and resources are all trained towards protesting against the consequences emanating from this situation, which affects their lives collectively," feels Ningombam.

There is validity to Ningombam's observations. If one takes a look at the trajectory of the Meira Paibis, they initially came together for the 'nisha bandh' (anti-alcoholism) movement, and then later evolved into a more political outfit that launched a consolidated fight against the continued enforcement of the draconian Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA). "This women group is very political," comments Ningombam, "and if you go deeper then it becomes fairly evident that their leaders do take a clear stand when it comes to self-determination."

Yet, argues Papori Bora, Professor, Centre for Women's Studies, JNU, what holds them from becoming overtly political is the fact that "in the context of nationalism, there is a general understanding that there is no reason for women to have a separate identity. This concept strengthens patriarchy and discourages women from joining politics". Adds Bora, "The attitude adopted is - why do women need to have a separate political agenda? In fact, for women too their identity as an Assamese or Naga or Mizo is more important; the fact that they are a minority in the legislature becomes secondary."

The good news, however, is that in the Northeast women are as much at the forefront of exercising their franchise as the men. And in the last few years some of them have stood for elections as well.

First, a look at the number of women who cast their votes at the state level: in the Mizoram state elections held in February 2014, more women (3,49,506) than men turned up at the polling booths. It was similar in Arunachal Pradesh in 2009. In Nagaland, where the total of female voters is pegged at 5,38,968, 91 per cent voted in the 2013 election.

In terms of leadership representation, two women candidates out of 188 stood for elections for the 60 seat Nagaland assembly in 2013. The number was a little higher in Tripura that saw 15 women out of 249 contesting the last Assembly election in early 2013. The same year Meghalaya had 25 women candidates out of 345 in the fray, while the 2009 election in Arunachal saw nine women contesting and two women emerging victorious.

"These are indeed positive developments," remarks Joy Pachuau, Associate Professor at the Centre for Historical Studies in JNU, "today, while many women are being elected to panchayat, at least a start has been made with women contesting assembly polls. It will take time though. Traditions make it difficult for women to take to public life. The stronghold of the Church as well as other religious bodies also has an impact."

The role that northeastern women play in the democratic process cannot be overlooked. In fact, it is their overwhelming participation at the local self government level that is strengthening the basic foundations of democracy in the region today. Moreover, they never shy away from fulfilling their duty as responsible voters. Yet, notably, their contribution is still limited to the lowest levels of power. While many scholars and experts are of the opinion that it is not the numbers that matter but the quality of involvement, it is also important to make sure that there is equal participation.

General Election 2014, however, may not see much of a change although major parties are talking about women's empowerment. For instance, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has included it in their election agenda, while recently BJP prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi focused his Women's Day Chai pe Charcha discussion on this issue inviting northeast women to share their insights. But despite this, parties have failed to field women in adequate numbers. The Congress has fielded two female candidates in Assam and one in Tripura, the Trinamool Congress has one woman candidate from Manipur and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has not given a ticket to any woman in the region. New entrant, Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), had approached AFSPA activist Irom Sharmila to stand on its ticket from Manipur but she has turned them down. Change, going by these trends, is still a distant prospect.
12 March 2014

Changing Colours of Racism

By Vikram Kapur
CELEBRATING DIVERSITY: The kind of racism that has recently been seen in Delhi is not about caste or colour. It is about looking different. Photo: K. Murali Kumar
CELEBRATING DIVERSITY: The kind of racism that has recently been seen in Delhi is not about caste or colour. It is about looking different. Photo: K. Murali Kumar

The brutal attacks get all the headlines. But the impact of racism on ordinary lives is far more subtle and insidious

Chinky. Dhandewaali. (whore) Momo. These are the kind of slurs she hears every day in Delhi. Some days, a local goon would ask with a lascivious smile: “Rate kya hai?(What is the rate?)” When that happens, she simply looks away and hurries past. On reaching home at night, she thanks her lucky stars that she has got through another day with body and limb intact. Before going out the next morning, she mutters a prayer, apprehending what the city might have in store for her. Racial slurs, she has learnt to handle. When she first arrived there from her home in Manipur, they would reduce her to tears. But with time she has learnt to put up with them, as she has with the city’s heat and chaos. She realises that the big, bad city is capable of throwing far more than hateful words at her.
I contemplate her with a mixture of guilt and bemusement. She works as a barista in my neighbourhood Costa. Until the past month, she was like any other barista, greeting me with a ready smile the moment I walked in through the door, making cheerful small talk while taking my order, stopping by my table to ask if my coffee and pastry were fine as I was partaking of them. Since the brutal murder of Nido Tania, however, the smile looks strained and the cheerfulness has all but disappeared. Today, as the newspaper reports yet another case of a Manipuri girl being groped in Delhi, she looks pensive and withdrawn. It’s obvious that she can no longer summon even the semblance of a professional veneer to contain the churning inside.
Empathy

I want to tell her that I understand exactly how she feels. That what happened to Nido Tania brought back memories of a horrific night in Norwich in 2005 where I was beaten black and blue by racist goons. That for almost a week after that night, one side of my face was so swollen that it was practically impossible to chew. That there were times in that week where I was so scared that my face would never heal that I wished my assailants had killed me. That for months I avoided going out at night and when I did, I would freeze each time I heard someone behind me.
But I hesitate.
I have nothing to do with the racist attacks. Yet that cannot quell the embarrassment I feel because my race places me right in the middle of the racist mob. I am unsure of how anything I say might be taken. An attempt at sympathy could sound fake or trite. Condemnation may not go far enough. And who knows, if we ever had an honest conversation about race, I might end up becoming defensive about mine and make a bad situation worse. So I do nothing. When she answers ‘fine’ to my question of how she is doing, I merely smile and nod even though I know she is lying and accept my coffee and pastry with a terse ‘thank you’.
As I walk home later, it strikes me that this is exactly how my white friends would have felt in England in the days following my attack. As I would go round Norwich with a bandaged head and a bruised face, eyes would be averted. People would fall silent as I approached, like they did not know what to do with me. The exchange that ensued focussed on the inconsequential and was chock-full of the kind of silence that breaks out when people are not sure of what to do or say. And there was palpable relief all round when it was over.
Subtle discrimination

The brutal attacks get all the headlines. But the impact of racism on ordinary lives is far more subtle and insidious. Invariably, it redraws relations by placing people on the opposite sides of a divide. It instils feelings of fear and persecution among the people it targets, while creating guilt and embarrassment among many on the other side. Suddenly, the most effortless relationship becomes exhausting as a distance that is difficult to bridge opens up. There are issues that are off limits because they are too hot to touch, and the whole point of an interaction can devolve to avoiding anything unseemly. As a result, the distance between people widens. That is its inherent evil.
It is not as if we in India are new to racism. In the past, though, Indian racism was about caste and colour. Low-caste Hindus would accuse the upper castes of perpetuating a form of discrimination that amounted to racism. Then there was the gripe that dark-skinned Indians had with the nation’s fascination with light skin. The word black in most Indian languages was synonymous with ugly and it was understood that to be considered attractive you had to be fair.
Caste and colour divisions still exist in India. Just about every day an honour killing takes place, because a low-caste Hindu has dared to marry someone from an upper caste. The lust for light skin, too, is alive and well. A glance at the matrimonial pages of newspapers indicates just about every man or woman desires a light-skinned spouse. Skin-whitening creams and lotions fly off the shelves in bazaars and supermarkets, and most Bollywood movies feature actors light-skinned enough for India to resemble a South European country.
However, the kind of racism that has recently been seen in Delhi with Northeasterners or, for that matter, Africans, is of the kind that was formerly associated with the West. Caste and colour have nothing to do with it. Africans and the bulk of the Northeasterners are not Hindus. Furthermore, in terms of skin colour, most Northeasterners tend to be fairer than the average Indian. The fact that they are being targeted, along with the Africans, is for one reason only. They look different. It is no accident that if you see an Indian woman with an African man in Delhi, more often than not, she is a Northeasterner, the kind of Indian made to feel foreign in her own country.
In the past, India was always at the forefront of the battle against racism. Both Martin Luther King and Nelson Mandela took inspiration from India and Mahatma Gandhi. In the United Nations and other world forums, India spoke for suppressed people wherever they were in the world. As one of the first non-white nations to throw off the yoke of European colonialism, India was a beacon of hope for freedom fighters everywhere. Yet when it comes to accepting people from other races in our own society, we are showing that we are light years away from practising what we have preached.
Racism has been the scourge of the Western world for generations. It is sad to see it spreading its tentacles in India.
(Vikram Kapur is a writer and an associate professor at Shiv Nadar University.)
03 March 2014

First look North-East, then Look East

By Prasenjit Chowdhury

New Delhi, Mar 3 : The BJP’s prime ministerial candidate, Narendra Modi cautioning China against repeatedly staking claim to Arunachal Pradesh and exhorting it to give up its “expansionist attitude” must serve the purpose, beyond just warming the cockles of our nationalist hearts, of giving us a foretaste of what, if Modi becomes prime minister, could be India’s foreign policy vis-à-vis China.

But what became problematic was his proclamation in another rally in Silchar in south Assam, that Hindu migrants from Bangladesh must be accommodated in the country, while the others should be sent back.

In the first note, Modi is perfectly in accord with his ideological predecessor since as early as the 1950s, the Jana Sangh was worried about the growing influence of Peking (now Beijing) in Tibet.

In 1959 its working committee reacted to the Chinese incursions along the India-Tibet border by demanding from Jawaharlal Nehru’s government that the territories that had been occupied be ‘liberated’. When the first signs of the Chinese invasion appeared in May 1962 with the capture of two Indian frontier posts, the Jana Sangh called for massive reprisals and to cut off all diplomatic relations.

We are rightly irked over China making territorial claims on Arunachal Pradesh. Apart from last year’s adventurousness, it is on record how in 2010 China stridently staked its claim to the state, and hectored us over Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit there and that of the Dalai Lama. Late last year, Modi took the UPA government to task for ‘failing’ to protect India’s borders with Pakistan and China in his first major speech since the BJP named him its PM candidate.

During his visit in 2011, Modi met the top government and CPC leadership in China and raised issues, among other things, related to the wrong depiction of certain areas of Arunachal Pradesh as parts of China and presence of China in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, and the security implications thereof. Could we now expect a reversal of a logjam that started way back in 1963 when Pakistan ceded to China the Trans Karakoram Tract, comprising Shaksgam from Baltistan and Raskam from Gilgit, which is as good as forfeited to us?

It is curious to see how a nationalist government in India, should Modi become PM, meets the newly nationalist China, as the communist party having lost its hegemony over Chinese nationalist discourse, popular nationalists now command a large following and exert tremendous pressure on those who decide China’s foreign policy.

Therefore, if Modi wants to put paid to China’s putative occupation of the Aksai Chin region of Kashmir, claimed by India, and Beijing’s claims on India’s far-eastern state of Arunachal Pradesh, the moot question would be if he would favour ‘shelving’ the ‘difficult’ border issue and improving ties in other areas, as China currently does, at least till India’s defence modernisation programme is complete — perhaps by the middle of this century — or would go for computing the logistics of going hawkish.

Inadvertently, Modi trod on a number of intricate and delicate issues that relate to India’s intractable border issues with China and Bangladesh, to the issues of mass migration. As seen in the instance of 2012, Assam is a virtual communal powder keg riddled as it is by an unresolved illegal immigrants problem and a vicious fight over land and political power among indigenous tribes and multiple ethnic groups.

It should not be unknown to the BJP leadership that the demographic reality is too complex in the North-East and the root of Assam’s problems lies in the unauthorised influx from Bangladesh which has dramatically changed the ethnic landscape of various districts of Assam closer to the international border, starting with Dhubri, Kokrajhar, Bongaigaon, Barpeta and even Nalbari.

Apart from talking tough, neither the Congress nor BJP governments have adopted a viable policy to stop the tide of illegal immigration. This gives one the impression that electoral politics and its lust for minority votes have been allowed to come into play in the region. It is essentially a battle of attrition over jobs and control over land among many stakeholders.

India’s Look East policy has both parties’ fingerprints on it. Modi’s real test would therefore be, should he get a call, to take up a North-East policy with no room for sectarianism.

Prasenjit Chowdhury is a Kolkata-based commentator
25 February 2014

Tipaimukh High Dam on the Barak River

Conflicting Land and People

Part – I

By R. K. Ranjan Singh

Emergence of Tipaimukh and its Conflicts

In an attempt to control frequent flooding in the natural floodplain areas of the lower Barak plain, several proposals for harnessing the Barak river have been raised within government and political circles since India’s pre-independence days. In 1954, the Assam government requested the Central Water Commission (CWC) and the planning commission of the union government to identify a suitable location where monsoon waters of the Barak could be impounded to form an artificial flooding zone (Brahmaputra Flood Control Board, 1984). Accordingly, the North Eastern Council (NEC) entrusted the investigation work to the CWC. The CWC submitted its report in 1984, which proposed the construction of the Tipaimukh High Dam (THD) at a cost of Rs.1,078crores (WAPCOS, 1989). However, the report was turned down due to the lack of a proper environmental impact assessment of the submergible areas. Again, in 1995, at the request of the NEC, the Brahmaputra Flood Control Board prepared the Detailed Project Report. There was no progress after this. Finally, in 1999, the Brahmaputra Flood Control Board handed over the project to the North Eastern Electric Power Corporation Limited (NEEPCO). On January 18, 2003, the project received the all- important notification under section 29 of the Electricity Act.
Recently in July and August 2013, there were two separate attempts by the Ministry of Environment and Forest (MoEF), Government of India to accord Forest Clearance for the controversial project for forest impacts in Manipur and Mizoram side. In the consideration for forest clearance for the proposed Tipaimukh Multipurpose Hydroelectric project for forest impacts in Manipur side, the meeting of the Forest Advisory Committee (FAC) of the Ministry on 11-12 July rejected the “Forest Clearance” for the proposed project.
In another sinister design to create more confusion among communities affected by the proposed Tipaimukh dam, another round of meeting is scheduled on 13-14 August 2013 by the MoEF to consider according forest clearance for impacts on Forest on Mizoram side. Interestingly, the Additional Chief Conservator of Forest for the Government of Mizoram has recommended diversion of 1551 hectares of forest land in Mizoram side and wrote to the MoEF on 16 January 2013 for necessary diversion. The area to be submerged in Mizoram side is rich in forest biodiversity and is also used for indigenous agricultural system by the Hmar people of Mizoram.
Main Features of the Tipaimukh High Dam
The project envisioned a 390 m long, 162 m high earthen-rock filled dam across the Barak, 500 m downstream after the confluence of the Tuivai tributary and the Barak on the Manipur-Mizoram border. The dam will be at an altitude of about 180 m above mean sea level, with a maximum reservoir level of 178 m. It was originally designed to contain flood waters in the lower Barak valley, but the component of hydropower generation was later incorporated into the project. It will have an installed capacity of 6X250 = 1500 MW, and a firm generation of only 412 MW. The dam will permanently submerge an area of 275.50 sq km (NEEPCO, 1998) and is feared to have negative impacts over an area of 9,126 sq km in the state of Manipur alone. A large number of indigenous communities, mostly belonging to the Zeliangrong and Hmar peoples, will be permanently displaced and deprived of their livelihoods.
History of Resistance
Since there was no comprehensive study that focused on biodiversity, environment, health, human rights, socio-economic and hydrological impacts of the proposed project and geo-tectonic problems, the communities from Manipur have resisted the THD for more than 15 years. The absence of meaningful consultation (that could lead to free, prior and informed consent) with the indigenous people contradicts the keystone of strategic priority developed by the World Commission on Dams, that no dam should be built without the demonstrable acceptance of the affected people, and without the free, prior, informed consent of indigenous peoples as also outlined in the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Now the struggle against THD is no longer confined to Manipur alone, but has also spread in the downstream areas including the lower Barak Valley and Bangladesh, where the immediate negative impacts of the dam are feared to be felt. The dam may also impact watersheds and ecosystems in north-western Burma. As learnt from the experience with other projects, dams have already created or exacerbated ethnic conflict. In the case of Tipaimukh as well, there are already divisions along ethnic lines that can have long-term implications for everyone. In an already fractured society such as the north-east, it is imperative that the state does not allow projects that widen the ethnic divide. In addition, conflict with other states and with Bangladesh due to the dam cannot be ruled out and will need to be addressed before deciding on the project. Further, there is no clarity about its scientific and technical feasibility, environmental impact assessment, rehabilitation policy and safety for downstream communities, which has created enough ground for a major conflict and raging controversy around the THD.
Conflicting Geological and Seismic Factors
The proposed THD site and its adjoining areas are predominantly composed of the Surma group of rocks characterised by folds and faults with a regional strike of  North-northeast- South-southwest (NNE-SSW) (Ibotombi, 2007). The entire locality has well-developed fractures and hidden faults called blind thrusts. These thrusts could be potential earthquake foci (Ibotombi, 2000). Also, the course of the Barak river opposite the Tuivairiver itself is controlled by the Barak-Makru Thrust. The entire drainage basin of the Barak is littered with fault lines that control the courses of the river and its tributaries. The proposed THD dam axis is located on the Taithu fault (24o 14N and93o 1.3 E approximately). Such faults are potentially active and may be the foci and/or epicentres for future earthquakes.
The plate kinematics of the region is very active (Ibotombi, 2007). Boundary interaction (seduction zone) between the Indian and Burmese plates makes the entire region highly seismically active. North-east India is one of the most earthquake prone areas in the world. Earthquake epicenters of magnitude 6M and above have been observed during the last 200 years (Verma and Kumar, 1994). Within a 100 km radius of Tipaimukh, two earthquakes of +7M magnitude have taken place in the last 150 years. The epicentre of the last one, in the year 1937, was at an aerial distance of about 75 km from the dam site in an east-northeast direction.
Conflicting Environmental Impacts
The project report (1984) states that as per the Botanical Survey of India, there is no threat to any endangered plant, and that they have not come across any rare endemic taxa or species of aquatic plants during their survey. The same report also states that as per the Zoological Survey of India, there are no endemic and endangered fauna in the area. The references relating to the flora and fauna in the proposed THD area do not seem to be based on factual and authentic field information and have been contested. The Barak basin, along with the rest of north-east India, is part of the sensitive Indo-Burma biodiversity hotspot, identified on account of its gene pool of endemic plants, animal species, and microbes. The absence of important information about the biodiversity of the region in the project report apparently reflects a sense of deliberate negligence and lack of seriousness in carrying out the environmental impact assessment of both the upstream and the downstream areas. The Barak basin drains a region that the international scientific community has acknowledged for its bio-researches, and as such, is of immense significance for the country and, indeed, the planet. Today the world is seriously concerned about the impact of global climate change, and the percentage of emission of methane gases by the creation of artificial water reservoirs for big dam. It implies that dammed reservoirs are the largest single source of human-caused methane emission, contributing a quarter of these emissions. A total of 25,822 hectares of forest land of Manipur will be affected by the Tipaimukh dam which will lead to the felling of 7.8 million trees, and such action will seriously contribute to climate change, both locally and globally due to the destruction of the absorption capacity of Green House Gases and also due to emission by the proposed reversion of the dam. 
According to the Department of Forest, Government of Manipur, five species of hornbill are reported from the proposed THD area: the Great Indian hornbill, the Indian Pied or Lesser Pied Hornbill, the Wreathed Hornbill, the Brown-blacked hornbill and the Rufous-necked Hornbill. The prime hornbill habited area in the Tipaimukh region is located just above the sharp south-north ‘U’ turn in the Barak river (where the river bends sharply north from Tipaimukh in Churachandpur district to enter the Jiribam sub-division). The dam site is located exactly at this sharp bend.
The project report makes no mention of national parks or sanctuaries in the submergence zone, while there are, in fact, two very important wildlife sanctuaries i.e. Kailam and Bunning. Further, there are a number of wetlands unique in nature, as well as several waterfalls in the submergence zone. The Barak basin area is one of the most Important Bird Areas (IBA) in the Sino-Himalayan temperate forest, the Sino-Himalayan subtropical forest and the Indo-Chinese tropical moist forest. More than 200 endemic fish species have been recorded from the Barak drainage system. Over and above this, the wetland complex and its biodiversity catering to the continuation of the civilisation in the Sylhet district of Bangladesh should not be overlooked. Given these loopholes, it is obvious that these sensitive issues have generated a series of conflicts related to different aspects of the proposed THD.
24 February 2014

Requiem for Nido

On the Lynching of a North-Eastern Indian Student in Delhi
By A K Biswas

Seventeen-year-old Nido Tania, a student from Arunachal, recently fell victim to hate crime in Delhi. The signifies what is fundamentally rotten in the public life of India as a nation. India’s feeble posturing for inclusive policy has remained starkly insufficient to make a dent on its exclusive society. The implications and ramifications of the tragdey befalling the teenager are far more frightening than meet the eye. The so-called mainland in general and the over-hyped Aryavart as the credle of Hindu culture and civilisation in particular is virtually a hell for the people of the margins. The Mephistophelean proclivity of the mainlanders towards the people from the margins has been broadcast through a series of barbaric incidents to prove a point that the latter are unwelcome either in their company or their proximity. And thus a climate of disintegration in the mainland through unbridled intolerance and insensitivity towards the less privileged has been built up that alarms few and those, who, under oaths, are charged with the sacred duty of upholding the sanctity of the Constitution and safeguar-ding the integrity of the nation, strangely  seem unconcerned. A rift with a huge potential to unleash fissiparous tendencies is distinctively in the offing.

In July-August 2012, attacks on people of the North-East in Bangalore and threat calls to students in Hyderabad forced workers and students from Pune, Bangalore, Chennai, Hyderabad and even Goa to go back to the safety of their homes out of an intense sense of insecurity. The State of Karnataka alone had witnessed in two days the exodus of 16,000 North-Eastern Indians.1 This belied the preten-sion and contention of harmony and unity in diversity of India, underlying a deep-rooted malaise. Official figures are always conservative, if not deceptive and less than the actual, if these are not used for bolstering up the image, individual and/or institutional.

People hailing from Nagaland, Manipur, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam in quest of avenues for higher or better facilities of education or livelihood face hostilities from the mainlanders. In the 1990s, a North-Eastern girl student travelling by the Guwahati Rajdhani Express to Delhi was outraged in the Munger district of Bihar. A senior Indian Forest Service officer of Madhya Pradesh cadre, a co-traveller, recounted the grim tragedy in writing to the Chief Secretary, Government of Bihar. Glaring incidents of such dimension are galore all over India. In August 2012, Diana Silva, a 22-year-old First-Year MBA student of Amity University and Meghalaya Chief Minister Mukul Sangma’s niece, committed suicide in her hostel room at Gurgaon after an altercation with a teacher.2
Diana’s friends alleged that a teacher accused her of cheating during an examination and when she protested, the former tore up her answer-sheet. A shocked and humiliated Diana locked herself up in her room and hours later, after a forced entry, the authorities recovered her body. Such teachers are rarely held accountable for their despicable crimes despite complaints to the appropirate authorities. Dons in high temples of learning, who were in occasional media focus for crimes against underprivileged students, have walked free with full impunity.

Chuni Kotal, a Lodha tribal girl, doing M.Sc. (Anthropology) in West Bengal’s Vidysagar University, to cite one instance, was harassed, humiliated and hounded as a member of the criminal tribe in the campus for over three years by one of her teachers, Falguni Chakraborty. Her complaints to the Vice-Chancellor during the period went unheeded. The malefic teacher’s manipulation debarred her from taking the first semester examination. Deeply depressed and frustrated, she ultimately committed suicide on August 16, 1992. The West Bengal Police did not even invoke the provision of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989. Nonetheless retired Justice S.S. Gangopadhyaya, as head of an inquiry commission appointed by the reluctant State Government, gave a clean-chit to Chuni’s tormentor. The Commission observed:

“On a consideration of all the materials on record we are constrained to hold, therefore, that the allegations brought against Falguni Chakraborty by Chuni Kotal were not sustai-nable and further that Falguni Chakraborty never practised nor he had any reason to discriminate against Chuni simply because she was a Lodha. It may be that on occasions Falguni Chakraborty took Chuni to task for her let or non-attendance or for some such reasons. These were mere trivialities which occur as a matter of course between the teacher and the taught without any personal involvement from either side.
“These trivialities were blown big beyond all proportions to transform them into the items of the petition of complaint. On the findings arrived by us, we conclude that the behaviour meted out by Falguni Chakraborty was not as to cause intense mental pain to Chuni so as to break her heart and lead her ultimately to commit suicide.”3

So, the victim of the harrassment was herself responsible for her suicide! When the judge becomes a defender of the criminal, who can punish him? And why on earth should the tormentors of the underprivileged be at all afraid of the law-enforcing authorities? With inbuilt insularity in position, the aggressors of the dignity of the Dalits or tribals have nothing to fear.
The question is not limited to the unfortunate Lodha girl, who was the first-generation learner. The majority of lawyers and advocates, even judges presiding over law courts where victims of atrocities seek justice, have to contend with such men luxuriantly endowed with filial loyalty. Miscarriage of justice in their cases is unfailingly a foregone conclusion. This is why the Dalits and tribals as a whole entertain an overpwoering perspective that they would not get justice if and when the accused belong to the supremacist club as that of their judges.
Since decades North-Eastern Indians have been subjected to persecution and atrocities by the Indian mainlanders because of their different lifestyle, looks, features, cultural traits etc. One cannot readily remember a case involving them in which salutary and exemplary punishment has been awarded to the criminals. The National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, in a report on reservation in the higher judiciary, bemoaned: “Unfortunately the composition of the higher judiciary shows that judges continue to be drawn mostly from the very section of the society which is infected with the age-old social prejudice. In most cases, social inhibition and class interest of such judges do not permit them full play of their intellectual honesty and integrity in their decisions.”4
Profligacy with intellectual honesty or professional ethics never tormented any of them. The acquittal of 26 Ranvir Sena men, convicted for the massacre of 61 Dalits in Laxmanpur Bathe, Bihar, by a Bench of the Patna High Court last year, underlined the same age-old inhibition and prejudice. One of the judges of the Bench is said to belong to the same stock that furnished the recruits of the private militia. Lack of intellectual integrity and honesty failed the judge to recuse himself from the Bench. Besides, why did the government advocates, appearing for the victims of a massacre, not without strong vested interest, fail to agitate the issue of conflict of interest with such a judge sitting on the Bench to hear and acquit the convicts?
Hasn’t Delhi Forfeited its Right to
remain the Nation’s Capital?

The barbarous lynching of Nido has come as the proverbial last straw provoking the North-Eatern Indian students and activists to launch a peaceful and sustained agitation in Delhi against the racial discrimination they routinely face and suffer. Repeated instances of discrimi-nation and intolerance in Delhi alongside other parts of India must be viewed in a broader perspective. A question must be asked: Hasn’t Delhi forfeited its claim to remain the national Capital where Indians irrespective of religion, race, caste, place of birth—Arunachal to Gujarat and Ladakh to Kanyakumari—are unwelcome?
Insecurity coupled with racial discrimination disqualifies it to be the nation’s Capital open to polyglot, multi-ethnic and multi-cultural con-course of the countrymen. Delhi has actually become a haven for the fascist forces, like the barbarian Ku Klux Klan, over whom the writ of the authorities does not run. The political masters and executive authorities have not confronted them with all the might of the state when their victims belong to margins of the society. Their incompetence to put down the dark forces with an iron hand might unobtru-sively engulf the North-Easterners into a centrifugal torrent which ultimately can be a movement for secession from India. The Chinese in the neighbourhood do not lack fanciful designs to make matters worse for India.
Has Caste made the Crucial 
Difference in Attitude?
Following the gangrape and subsequent murder of a paramedical girl student in a school bus in Delhi on December 16, 2012 thousands of women, who were pejoratively described as highly dented and painted5 alongside students, and the common man from all walks of life thronged the streets of Delhi and elsewhere demanding justice. In the Capital they fought with the police, gheraoed Parliament, marched right upto the Rashtrapati Bhavan, had instantaneous audience with the Prime Minister on demand, abused
the Union Home Minister and Delhi Chief Minister, and almost uprooted the Delhi Police Commissioner. It was hailed as the power of the people. At subzero temperature at 3.30 am December 29, 2012, the Prime Minister and the UPA-II chairperson were at the international airport to receive the dead body and pay homage to the departed soul of the gangrape victim brought from Singapore. These were touching gestures of sympathy of the agitationists as well as the authorities. We were reassured of a new era.
Many have noted with sadness the absence as also failure of those agitationists to join in sympathy and solidarity for the North-Eaterners under attacks. [Some students of the Jawaharlal Nehru University did come, however, in the end to express their solidarity with the North-Easterners.] Why have they failed to turn up in their crisis and where have they gone? We know the answer. The caste of the Delhi rape victim made the crucial difference. This is xenophobia. It is immaterial whether the authorities and/or the countrymen of the privileged class agree or not. To the dented and painted agitationists, the caste of the rape victim was the trigger. The deprived, discriminated and marginalised know well why they have no support from the privileged.
Footnotes
1. The Times of India, August 18, 2012, news item captioned “Fresh attacks in Bangalore keep NE exodus going”. The State Home Minister quoted this statistics to the media.
2. CNN-IBN, April 25, 2012.
3. Suman Chattopadhyay, Ananda Bazar Patrika, Calcutta, June 6, 1995.
4. http://ncsc.nic.in/files/Reservatio...
5. “Those who are coming in the name of students in the rallies, sundori, sundori mahila (beautiful women), highly dented and painted,” Abhijit Mukherjee, an MP from the Jangipur seat that the President of India had vacated before his election, told a vernacular news channel.
The author is a former Vice-Chancellor, B.R. Ambedkar University, Muzaffarpur, Bihar. He can be contacted at biswasatulk@gmail.com
06 February 2014

India After Nido

By Pratap Bhanu Mehta
 
The self-proclaimed image of a tolerant society has often sidelined questions about racism in India.
The self-proclaimed image of a tolerant society has often sidelined questions about racism in India.

Summary

His death reminds us of the transitions the Indian project still needs to make.

Nido Taniam’s death was deep tragedy. But there is some consolation that political attention to this incident is ensuring that it does not become a mere statistic. Yet in India, a single violent incident bears the weight of complex histories and tangled sociologies. It has highlighted the casual but consequential racism prevalent in our cities.

It has reopened the delicate question of the place of the Northeast in India’s imagination. It has also reminded us of the subtle transitions the idea of India still needs to make for the Indian project to be complete.

The first transition it needs to make is the move from territoriality to people. The idea of India is tied to an emphasis on territoriality. While this is inevitable in any modern nation state, the monumental privileging of territoriality has often led to making concrete peoples invisible.

The Northeast has often been imagined in Delhi in largely territorial terms; even the name suggests that. Defending territory trumps almost everything else: human rights, economic freedom. But in a strange way, discourse in the Northeast also has been besotted with territoriality. The claim that ethnicity and territoriality be aligned has also wreaked havoc in the region. It is a formula that has also produced more violence, displacement and antagonism in the region.

The principle fight of the Indian state with the Northeast, on one hand, and among the peoples of the Northeast, on the other, has been about who controls what territory, not about how to define proper ethical relationships with others. In a way, the Indian state and the Northeast have shared each other’s pathologies. It is time to move from the question of territory to what it will take for us to treat each other as free and equal human beings.

The second transition is the move from diversity to respecting freedom. Indian toleration was often based on segmentation and hierarchy. Each community could have its place, so long as it remained in its place. But the mobility produced by economic changes, the desire to expand the boundaries of freedom, the jostling in same spaces, sometimes even competition for the same jobs, needs a different kind of toleration.

This toleration is not about respecting each other’s identities at some distance. In a way, it is not even about knowing the histories and identities of others, though that might help. It is about quite the opposite. It is about making identity more of an irrelevant fact in the background, not an axis on which we organise what rights people have and what places they can inhabit. It is about recognising the limits to which we can, as individuals, exercise sovereignty over others; how one wears one’s hair is nobody’s business. This is a challenge for migrants in India everywhere.

The third transition is from self-proclaimed innocence to an overt confronting of racism. The self-proclaimed image of a tolerant society has often sidelined deep questions about racism in India. Racism is a complex subject. But it haunts our conception of nationalism, where we often cannot decide whether the Northeast is radically different or the same, based on race. It haunts our relations with the outside world, as we see with Africans. The moral education required is not more facts about this or that culture. It is about the idea that racism of any kind is not acceptable.

It is about not letting common decency be immobilised by abstractions of identity. This is a much harder thing to achieve. In fact, much of the diversity discourse in India is quite compatible with racism, because it is premised on essentialism: each culture is like this or that. Even positive assessments of different groups partake of the same fallacy: the individual is always a sign of the group, nothing more nothing less. We need to inculcate toleration based on freedom rather than identity, individual equality rather than group difference. Even well-meaning calls for overcoming racism obscure this fact.

The fourth transition is from states of exceptionalism to normalisation. The fact of the matter is that much of the Northeast is still under siege. So long as the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act remains in place in its current form, so long as security-based arguments close off developmental possibilities, the Northeast will remain a troubled zone. It could be legitimately asked: what is the connection between the political problem of the area known as the Northeast, and the racial problem of attacks on Northeasterners? The short answer is that both are a form of distancing from the language of Indian citizenship. It is true that horrendous violence goes unpunished in large parts of India.

That we are still debating 1984 testifies to that. But how can the language of citizenship gain primacy, both in Delhi and in the Northeast, when the normative values of citizenship have no purchase in the way the state behaves in the region? In fact, every intervention of the Indian state, including the creation of separate ministries and development councils based on ill-conceived ideas of a territorial identity, is a reminder of just how exceptionally the area is treated. Except that this exceptionalism is a form of marginalisation.

It is taking a Supreme Court intervention to investigate the disappearance of hundreds of young people in the region. The AFSPA may give legal protection to the army to operate. But it is also a daily reminder that people of the region are not allowed to lay claim to the legal protections of citizenship. The AFSPA morally denudes citizenship because it presumes people are guilty rather than innocent. And racism towards the Northeast partakes of the same assumption: guilt just by being. Internal politics in the area will also have to change.

The final transition is from a regime governed by the contingent waves of sympathy to governance by institutions. It should not take a propitious political conjuncture every time to achieve justice. The good thing is that in this case there are few of the “ifs and buts” that normally disable the quest for justice. In India, there is often a danger that history and sociology will be used to immobilise normal institutional roles. Delhi Police is, rightly, under a scanner.

But it is also currently a political football, being kicked around in the politics of blame. How to reform institutions in ways where the politics of assigning blame is not mistaken for the politics of genuine reform will be a challenge. Our hearts are full, our heads need to be clear as well.

The writer is president, Centre for Policy Research, Delhi, and a contributing editor for ‘The Indian Express’
05 February 2014

"You bloody chinky" - We Hear This Everyday

By Binalakshmi Nepram
Blog: 'You bloody chinky' - we hear this everyday
Binalakshmi Nepram is a writer and activist.

Binalakshmi Nepram is a writer and activist. She is the founder of Manipur Women Gun Survivors Network (MWGSN). 

She met with Rahul Gandhi yesterday and Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal today to demand justice for Nido Taniam, the 20-year-old who died after he was beaten up by a group of men at a South Delhi market. 

This is Binalakshmi's blog (as told to ndtv.com).


Nido was a victim of racial profiling. A lot of young boys and girls are victims - everyday. I'm a victim myself. Just now, I was waiting for an auto-rickshaw and 6-7 empty autos went by without stopping for me. There are many, many cases but they are not reported. We are called 'Nepali dhanda karne wale, you bloody chinki'. Has a person from Kashmir or Chennai ever been beaten to death in Delhi? Delhi, unfortunately is the worst. So many kids come here from the North East for higher education and this is the kind of discrimination they have to face every day.

We met yesterday (Monday) with Mr Rahul Gandhi.  He was very upset and assured us that there would be a committee like the Justice Verma Committee that was constituted after the Delhi gang-rape to look into Nido's case. He also admitted that this was a case of racial discrimination. Mr Kejriwal joined us in our protests at Jantar Mantar today.

When we met Mr Kejriwal yesterday, we advised him to form a special committee - on the lines of the Justice Mehra committee - only for Delhi and the National Capital Region. He liked the idea.  The Delhi government has to ensure this happens and look at different cases of racial discrimination.

60% of the North Eastern kids who leave their hometowns are in Delhi. The Delhi Education Minister should ensure that the culture, tradition of the North East is a part of the curriculum of Delhi schools so that there is no prejudice...so we are not looked at as aliens.

A helpline which was launched some years ago to receive calls for help from North Eastern students doesn't work at all. It is manned by the Delhi Police and the Delhi police itself is biased. Most of the policemen are from Haryana - they are extremely racist. It would help if the Delhi Police recruited some people from the North East.

The government must focus on the formation of an anti-racial, anti-discrimination law. We don't have anything of the sort at the moment.  And we need a special fast-track court to try these hate crimes.

In Delhi, we face violence, sexual assault.  There is verbal abuse and taunting.  It is rampant, it happens at every moment.

There is a fear psychosis in the minds of many young people who study or work in Delhi. We tell them only cowards indulge in this kind of racial discrimination. Delhi doesn't belong to a single community. We have requested the Ministry of Home Affairs to tighten security.

This is my message to youngsters from North Eastern states living in Delhi. This city is as much as yours as it is of other citizens. Only cowards do these kind of racial attacks. Please do not be scared or intimidated. Cases are being solved. Delhi belongs to everyone.
21 November 2013

India Gets On The Highway to Growth in Southeast Asia

By Nayanima Basu

With the implementation of the India-Asean comprehensive economic partnership, the target for two-way trade has been set at $100 billion by 2015

As India readies to sign the free trade agreement on services and investment with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), taking bilateral trade relations to the next level of a comprehensive economic partnership agreement, the focus is on the laying out of a massive road connectivity plan to tie the region together to boost economic objectives.

To start with, India has proposed extending the trilateral highway project connecting India, Myanmar and Thailand to neighbouring Cambodia and Vietnam. The idea is to set up special economic zones along this highway and provide seamless connectivity through these countries by 2016, by when the projects are expected to become operational. Right now, work is on to repair and strengthen 71 bridges that link this stretch.

To ensure greater success of this highway project, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh proposed an Asean-India Transit Transport Agreement (AITTA) at the India-Asean Summit in Brunei Darussalam last month. Once the agreement comes into force -likely by 2015- vehicles from association countries will be able to cross international borders without much documentation.

Total bilateral trade between Asean and India reached $75.6 billion in 2012, surpassing the target of $70 billion. Now, with the implementation of the India-Asean comprehensive economic partnership, the target for two-way trade has been set at $100 billion by 2015, for which an integrated transport network would be the key.

At present, the market is fragmented and the patchy road network is a stumbling block for free flow of goods and services. This, along with administrative and technical barriers, increases costs and leads to transportation delays, says a study by New Delhi-based think tank Research and Information System for Developing Countries on Asean-India connectivity.

While road links are being developed, the proposed AITTA will make crossing the border easier. "AITTA will allow vehicles to move seamlessly across international borders or regional and international trade transportation purposes. AITTA should be in position before the trilateral highway is operationalised in 2016. Potentially, it can be a game changer which will allow us to reap the full benefit of India-Asean free trade agreement, regional comprehensive economic partnership and enhanced connectivity," says Ashok Kantha, secretary (East), ministry of external affairs.

The master plan on Asean road connectivity was adopted at the India-Asean Summit in 2010. The benefits from the highways, which are scheduled to be completed by 2016, are manifold. They would improve connectivity, bring India closer to Asean, reduce trade costs, help exploit the country's comparative advantage in certain products, expand markets, as well as reduce poverty and improve the quality of life for the people in the region. A smooth road network would also provide substantial benefits to other countries, particularly to landlocked and island nations by giving them low-cost access to a wider market outside, the report said.

India already has a goods agreement in place. It came into force in August 2011 and provides tariff-free access to a range of products, including textiles, pharmaceuticals, chemicals, engineering goods, processed food and auto parts. The likely addition of services and investments to this list of free-trade items in the not too distant future would open up new opportunities for Indian IT and healthcare professionals, designers and researchers.

In addition, India is also contemplating expansion of rail network into Myanmar. The rail head terminates at Jiribam in Manipur. A project to connect Jiribam to the capital Imphal is under way and is slated to be completed by 2017, while proposals on connecting Moreh (Imphal) to Tamu-Kalay (Myanmar) is being considered by the external affairs ministry.

At the same time, work is also on for developing soft infrastructure such as trade facilitation centres and telecommunication, necessary for any economy to function and thrive. Boosting maritime connectivity is on the agenda as well. India has proposed the establishment of a Maritime Transport Working Group between India, Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam to examine the feasibility of shorter shipping routes. This idea was initially mooted by Thailand which wants a more direct sea transport route to India via the Dawei port in Myanmar, which is a deep sea port. Right now ships have to be routed via Singapore to reach India.

"It is important that we identify economic activities that can be pegged to these corridors, which could attract private sectors from both Asean and India, including from India's Northeast," says a foreign ministry official.

Another project that India has shown interest in is the Mekong-India Economic Corridor (an offshoot of the trilateral highway) to link Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam with India. The corridor- which might be funded by Asian Development Bank -will extend from Ho Chi Minh City in Vietnam to Dawei in Myanmar via Bangkok (Thailand) and Phnom Penh (Cambodia) and then on to Chennai in India.
24 October 2013

The Booming Business Of Package Holidays For Indian Male Sex Tourists

Travelling with the Indian sex tourist to Tashkent in search of ‘full enjoyment’

AN EVENING IN TASHKENT  Sharmaji of the Indian tour group offers soum libations to his evening’s deity of choice (Photo: Srinath Perur)
AN EVENING IN TASHKENT Sharmaji of the Indian tour group offers soum libations to his evening’s deity of choice (Photo: Srinath Perur)

About halfway into the three-hour flight from Delhi to Tashkent, I fear the plane will begin to spin anti-clockwise and spiral down. This is because almost every passenger from the right and middle sections of the plane has risen and crowded into the left aisle, with some actually crouched above those sitting in the leftmost seats of the Uzbekistan Airways A310. This exodus, in many cases with point-and-shoot in hand, is the result of people on the left calling out to their friends in other parts of the plane to come see the snow-capped mountain range visible on their side. The call’s reach is particularly devastating because, with only a few exceptions, the aircraft is filled with tour groups of Indian men, each group in turn composed of groups of friends seated in different corners of Economy. Even those who haven’t received a rallying cry realize that something is afoot, and keen not to miss whatever it is, percolate leftwards. I hunker down grimly in my seat in the middle block, hoping it might go some small way towards maintaining our centre of gravity. Disaster is averted by a matronly flight attendant who soon makes her harassed way down the left aisle despatching passengers to starboard while shouting ‘Take a seat please! Take a seat please!’

This is only the latest (and not the last) of the flight attendant’s troubles. While the plane is still on the tarmac at IGI airport, one of the tour-group Indians asks for cotton to stuff in his ears. The attendant considerately produces a mini-bale of cotton from the plane’s first-aid supplies and asks the man to pinch some off. On seeing this others around him want cotton too, and the ensuing ripple effect requires the attendant to go down the entire length of Economy as passengers reach out for chunks of cotton, some of them all the way from the other aisle. She makes her way down the aisle with the diminishing roll of cotton in her hands and a look of bemusement and resignation combined, all the while chanting (since flight attendants are trained never to walk down an aisle without an incantatory phrase): ‘It does not help. It does not help.’ Then, just after take-off, with the plane still climbing, a passenger in front of me clicks open his safety-belt, stands up, stretches, and begins to trudge up to where his friend is seated, causing the aghast flight attendant to unfasten herself from her minder’s chair and come hurtling downhill to put him in his place. Once the plane attains cruising altitude, she must deal with the overhead lights calling for her attention popping on faster than she can get them off: ‘Water’ is a universal cry, and from just the seats within earshot I hear one instance of ‘I’m hungry’ and one of ‘AC not working’. Then, there’s the propensity on the part of us tour-group Indians to constantly shuffle and sidle about the plane, either en route to huddled conclaves or as part of complex seat exchange arrangements. All this gets significantly in the way of the attendant’s regular trolley-wheeling duties. She makes something like a dozen ‘Take a seat please!’ forays in the span of the three-hour flight, coming across as a hapless teacher in charge of a rowdy excursion bus.
It is a bit of a rowdy excursion. Right from the outset there’s an air of impatience, of raring to go. One middle-aged man boards the plane and finds his friend already inside and buckled up. ‘Kyon, badi jaldi hai jaane ki. (Why, you’re in a hurry to leave),’ he teases, and they slap palms together and laugh with a heartiness so intense that it sounds stagey. One man from my group negotiates a temporary mid-flight seat exchange to the seat in front of mine, next to the tour leader. ‘Dekho,’ he tells the leader, preliminary to a logistical conversation, ‘hum poora enjoy karne aaye hai. Look, we’ve come to enjoy fully.’ Which makes for as good a statement of our agenda as any. Almost to the man, we are a plane full of Indian men, and we are sex tourists bound for Uzbekistan.

***
Those who work in the travel industry seldom use words such as ‘hotel’ or ‘resort’. ‘How’s the property?’ they’ll want to know, perhaps weary in the knowledge that the carapace is the only solid reality here, all else being design and decoration and branding and positioning and marketing. Likewise, using words such as ‘tour’ or ‘trip’ to describe a package tour immediately gives one away as an amateur. To the insider, those are products. Executives in charge of product development pore over maps and flight schedules and lists of properties to come up with combinations of itinerary and comfort and price-point (never just ‘price’) that are attractive to the package-touring public. ‘No one else has a 12D/11N Europe product including both Spain and Germany with a price-point under 80k,’ a travel executive may boast. Travel products are also differentiated by target demographic. Tours designed for farmers may take in the sights of China or Israel while offering glimpses of how agriculture is conducted there. Other tours may have facilities and itineraries that keep in mind senior citizens. Women-only tours go with a woman guide. Group honeymoon tours allow newly wed couples to enjoy a romantic (if somewhat crowded) European honeymoon without beginning their marriages in financial ruin. Some tour groups are united by language, often Gujarati or Marathi or Bengali. Or food, as with tours that serve Jain vegetarian food, no matter where in the world the group is travelling. And then, there are the somewhat lasciviously undertoned men-only tours to various destinations around the world.

I’m at the Mumbai head-office of a popular travel company to enquire about their men-only tour of Thailand. Product name: Prince Charming. The ground floor is reserved for receiving customers and is reminiscent of the interior of a large branch of one of the foreign banks operating in India. A row of young women in red company T-shirts sits at desks to receive and guide customers. A level deeper, men in white shirts and ties sit behind computers, involved in endless counselling and option-checking for the prospective tourists in front of them. I explain my interest to one of the women in red, who calls someone upstairs. I’m directed to a lounge of sorts where customers wait to be seen by the men in ties. The room is rife with glossy brochures. A wall-mounted screen plays a looped video of ecstatic tour groups with foreign landscapes and European monuments in the background. Someone from Marketing and Promotion comes down to see me. I tell him I’m considering taking one of their tours for a travel book I’m working on. He’s all for it and suggests they might give me a discount or even write off the tour’s costs if I agree to mention the company’s name. Which tour was I thinking of? Prince Charming, Thailand. He seems taken aback. ‘It’s not what people think,’ he explains. ‘Of course, people go for that, but it’s not only that.’ Would I be interested in any other tour? Not at the moment. He’ll let me know in a few days, he says, and sends me off clutching tour itineraries and brochures.

I don’t hear from him, and when I check by email a few times, I get such non-committal one-liners in response that it’s clear they see no place for my charms on their tour. Of course, they aren’t the only company that conducts tours of Thailand. Most travel agents would be able to book me on a similar tour, though perhaps not one as chivalrously branded. I mention to a friend that I’m looking for a men’s tour of Thailand, and she says I should really go to—of all places—Uzbekistan. She tells me of how she was flying to Tashkent on work, and was taken aback to find the plane full of Indian men. Her male colleague, after being subject to much nudging and winking from his Indian neighbour on the flight, had asked what was going on, and learnt he had been mistaken for a sex tourist because every other Indian man on the plane was one.

A travel agent in Bangalore books me onto one of these tours through a nameless entity in Delhi. I pay him and submit my passport and photographs for the visa. The sole requirement for a visa is a letter of application on a company letterhead. I offer to provide other bona fides since I’m not employed by anyone, but the agent is appalled. ‘If we give them more documents they will start asking for them every time,’ he says and implores me to somehow produce a letter on any company’s letterhead. This I do, and my application is in Delhi when the Uzbek embassy decides to stop issuing group visas to Indian tourists for an indefinite period. Apparently there have been incidents involving Indians, and the Uzbek government is worried. ‘They don’t want to get Thailand’s reputation,’ my agent explains. It only lasts a couple of months. Local businesses—hotels, restaurants, transport companies, guides—begin feeling the pinch and the Uzbek government is coaxed into resuming group visas for Indian tourists. The standard text of the visa application letter is identical to the previous one except for an appended undertaking: ‘I assure you that during my stay in Uzbekistan, I will abide by the rules and regulations framed by the Government of Uzbekistan. I will respect the culture of the people of Uzbekistan and not indulge in any activity against the laws of the country.’
The group is to assemble at 8:15 on the morning of our departure in front of Gate 6, T3, IGI airport. This assembly is critical because our passports and visas are with the nameless Delhi entity that’s organizing the tour. (Nameless to the extent that when I have to send my amended letter post-haste to Delhi, my Bangalore travel agent makes me address it to him, but at a Ghaziabad address.) Further, ours is a group visa that’s valid only when accompanied by the tour leader. There are dozens of people milling about and after a small wait I notice a knot of people around a man. He nods when I say ‘Uzbekistan?’ but can’t find my name on his list of fifty-odd people. I show him my print-out with group and hotel details, and he tells me I must be with a different nameless operator. It’s a revelation to me that there are actually multiple tour operators conducting men to Uzbekistan. (Later, on board the plane, it becomes clear that it’s packed with tour groups (including one that is entirely Gujarati speaking), and a glance at the timetable in the in-flight magazine gives me an idea of the tourist volume: currently Uzbekistan Airways flies to Tashkent five times a week from Delhi and thrice from Amritsar.)

I find my rightful contact person some distance away, handing out passports from a kit-bag placed on a luggage trolley. The group accumulates in twos and threes until we reach our full strength of thirty-four. The nameless entity’s representative introduces us to our tour leader, a young fellow with wavy hair and a sunny disposition. The tour leader’s role here is not that of tourist guide—there will be a local guide in Tashkent—but that of shepherd. The lone visa sticker is in his name and under ‘Remarks’ it says ‘+ 33 persons’ with the attached sheets detailing our names and passport numbers. The rest of us only have photocopies of the group visa and must stick closely to him if we are to pass Immigration at both ends.

While waiting for the group to gather I’ve been diverted by the presence just outside the airport’s sliding doors of what I take to be a sports coach waiting for his team. The man, in his fifties, is wearing green track-pants, a green cap, a tri-colour-splashed white jacket with INDIA across the chest, and has a green kit-bag hanging from one shoulder. It turns out he’s waiting not for his team but for his passport —he’s part of our group. In later conversation he reveals himself to be an athlete who’s been a part of Indian Masters contingents at various sports meets, and though he does not wear the track-suit again on the tour, the official cap remains a totemic fixture, worn even indoors. Also part of our group is a powerfully built man in his fifties, weighed down by a massive pot-belly. His arms, forearm on, are cluttered with bracelets, a chunky watch, threads of religious significance, and heavy rings. There’s further shiny metal around his neck, and a diamond encrusted trident glimmers in his collar’s hairy vee. For his appearance, style, brashness, and an unsurpassed ability to spend money, he will come to be known among the group as Don. There are four sardars. And there’s a group of three from Haryana who arrive at the airport identically dressed in white trousers and white full-sleeved shirts.

Geographically, the states/territories represented are Delhi, UP, MP, Uttarakhand, Haryana and Gujarat, with my presence adding the outlier Karnataka to the list. Age-wise (with precise tabulation made possible by the group visa), three of us are in our twenties, fourteen in our thirties, seven in our forties, eight in our fifties, one is in his sixties, and Kakaji as he will come to be known, often in the sentence ‘Sab se zyaada toh Kakaji enjoy kar rahe hain. Kakaji is enjoying more than anyone else’, is in his seventies. An impressionistic survey shows that pot-bellies are well-represented in the 30+ demographic, and the 40+ demographic shows evidence of recent application of unnaturally dark dye on facial hair and such hair on the head as remains unravaged by male pattern baldness.
In terms of occupation we are mostly businessmen—real estate dealers, government contractors for road and construction projects, a defence supplier, the owner of a transport company. A sari distributor from Gujarat named Paras one day tosses off an astute observation to the group at large: ‘It’s only people with do number ka paisa, unaccounted money, who go on a tour like this.’ No one disputes him; two doctors in his immediate vicinity smile; and one impecunious writer seethes internally.

I haven’t been able to purchase foreign exchange before coming to the airport because when I tried at my bank they wanted my passport and ticket, which were with the nameless Delhi entity, and so I must now buy dollars inside the airport at an extortionate mark-up. The very idea of going to a bank to buy foreign exchange would, I’m guessing, seem laughably naïve to my companions, all of whom have arrived pre-loaded with dollars. The tour leader announces that on arrival in Tashkent we will be asked to fill two copies of a form declaring the exact amounts of all currencies in our possession, and that this better be filled out diligently because ‘checking ho sakti hai’—followed, in cases of discrepancy, by prolonged questioning. Someone asks, ‘Do we need a forex receipt?’ and a shiver of anxiety passes through the group with several members echoing the question in worried voices. But no, the tour leader assures us, no receipt required.

It takes a while inside the airport for everyone to fill out their Immigration forms. We are all bound to wait for each other owing to the group visa. During this time one of the younger guys (conspicuous for having his left arm in a cast) comes up to me and extends his right hand. Where am I from, what do I do. I tell him. Navin is a glass manufacturer from Delhi. How did he become a glass manufacturer I ask, and he takes over the conversation. ‘Think you are in a job,’ he starts. ‘You may want to go home at 6, but your boss will come and say, “Brother, please do this work” and you will do it. You may fall sick and then you may not be able to get leave.’ ‘Yes,’ I say, thinking he has misunderstood my question, ‘but how did you get into glass manufacturing?’ He looks annoyed: ‘That’s what I’m telling you.’ First, he makes a lengthy case for self-employment, then gives a blow-by-blow account of how he ended up in his line of work. I change the subject and ask him how he heard about this tour. He turns out to be a friend of the tour leader, with whom he will be sharing a room. At least that’s the gist of an epic description detailing how his friend was going as tour leader, how the tour leader suggested to Navin that he join the group, the various considerations Navin had to make while deciding whether or not to go, and so on. One of the factors pushing Navin to go on the tour (as also previously into self-employment) appears to have been schadenfreude: ‘My friend—he is working na? So he cannot enjoy. But I am free, I have no work. So I can enjoy.’
This is the first use of a word I will hear deployed many times a day on the tour, both in Hindi and in English sentences: the intransitive verb ‘enjoy’. It will also be the key to what drives the group and perhaps all such tours: the idea of being able to enjoy absolutely and without object.

***
It takes a while to get through Customs at Tashkent International Airport. Every arriving passenger must fill two copies of a form with all the usual details plus exact amounts of all currencies in their possession. The Customs official pores over these details with uncommon attention to detail—ticking, circling, underlining, authoritatively scrawling, rubber-stamping—before turning over one copy to the passenger, who should preserve it for similar processing while leaving the country. The same official then scans passports and x-rays luggage before letting us loose on Uzbekistan.
We troop into a waiting bus and are soon face to face with our local guide Jabir, a lanky man in his early twenties who holds the mic of the in-bus PA system and begins: ‘Namaste, Sat Sri Akaal, Salaam aleikum.’ Jabir, light-skinned with brownish hair and a native of Uzbekistan, goes on to welcome us in impressive Hindi. Later questioning reveals that he learnt the language in Tashkent in the service of subcontinental tourists, and later made a trip to India during which he honed his Hindi.
Even before the bus leaves the airport, Jabir addresses the question of local currency. The Uzbek currency is the soum and the official exchange rate at banks is currently 1950 soums per US dollar. Jabir will give us 2300 soums per USD. We will meet others who will offer to sell us soums, he tells us, but we might get into trouble with the law, so best to buy from him. Uzbekistan has severe problems with currency devaluation, and the highest denomination available—either because the government is trying to prevent currency-hoarding, or because the currency has slipped in value, or both—is a note of 1000 soums. Jabir has a backpack full of 1000 soum bundles and he goes through the bus stopping at each seat to exchange a few hundred dollar bills for towering stacks of soums. Over the next few days we discover that almost anyone who hangs around near a hotel or market or monument is a forex trader, and we develop a suspicion that we’ve been had by Jabir. Within a minute of my entering my hotel room a bell-boy knocks and offers me 2400 soums per USD; later, a man at a market offers one of us 2800; one night the concierge at the hotel we’re staying in is in need of USD 1 notes and he buys them off me for 3000 soums each. The official rate at this time is indeed 1950, and it doesn’t take an economist to tell that this discrepancy in official and informal rates can’t be good news for the soum, which, it turns out, means ‘pure’ in Uzbek.

Tashkent is obviously doing much better than the currency. The roads are wide and lined by trees; the government offices look stately, the monuments impressive. The city exudes the clean, kempt, landscaped sparseness of a European city. During the twenty-minute bus-ride from the airport to our hotel in the centre of the city, Jabir (who addresses all of us as ‘bhaijaan’) gives us a quick introduction to Uzbekistan: independent in 1991 after the disintegration of the USSR; a country of 20 million people (though in fact closer to 30, if he looked it up on the Internet); languages spoken are Uzbek and Russian; Islam is the dominant religion. A glance outside the window is enough to learn that at least in matters of women’s clothing this is not a conservative Islamic country. It’s mid-afternoon, and the mini-skirts and tight jeans on the footpaths elicit longing looks and neck-craning from our bus. Finally, someone asks Jabir to come to the point—what’s the plan for the evening?

We’re to first go to the hotel and settle in. Later we’ll go on a quick Tashkent City Glimpse tour before heading to an Indian restaurant for a ‘gala dinner’. A chorus of voices wants to know the further plan for the evening: ‘Arre, kuchh setting kara do yaar. (Fix something for us, mate).’, ‘Raat ka program batao. (What’s the plan for the night?)’, and so on. Jabir tells us there will be ‘night managers’ at the gala dinner. We are to manage our night by dealing directly with them. Jabir won’t involve himself in procuring women, but for USD 60 per person, subject to a minimum attendance of ten persons, he can organize a private dance show.
It is perhaps because Jabir’s Hindi has been learnt in an environment of sex tourism that he is matter-of-fact about vocalizing details that most Hindi speakers would be slightly coy about. His description of the private dance show is a marvel of specificity: ‘Ladkiyaan poori nangi hongi, aapke goad mein aake baithengi. Aap daba sakte ho, kiss kar sakte ho, par zyada zor se nahin. (The girls will be completely naked, they’ll come and sit in your lap. You can squeeze, you can kiss, but not too hard.)’ He adds, ‘No boom-boom.’ Someone says ‘Toh kya faayda. (Then what’s the use),’ to which Jabir giggles and says, ‘Baad mein room jaake soap ke saath... (Later in the room, with some soap...),’ and moves his fist up and down. I’m transfixed by the novelty of a 23-year-old saying these things to a group in which everyone is older than him, with a couple of men old enough to be his grandfather. What’s more, Jabir speaks Hindi with an accent that knows no hard consonants, which makes him sound like a particularly precocious and foul-mouthed toddler, and renders him altogether irresistible.
Our hotel is one of the older five-star hotels in Tashkent. The rooms are palatial with plush carpeting, massive quantities of heavy wood, and brass fixtures. There’s even a leather-upholstered writing desk the size of a ping-pong table (at which I sit down twice a day to ceremoniously make notes that are, as often as not on this trip, downright sleazy). The old-world stateliness is charming except for the fact that it extends to the hotel’s technological preparedness as well. The television in my room is a gigantic boxy affair that has no doubt broadcast live the disintegration of the Soviet Union. This must also be one of the last five-star hotels in the world not to offer wireless Internet in its rooms, and Reception only shrugs when asked about a plug adapter for the power points in our rooms. The hotel lobby does have wireless Internet as well as scattered power strips that take various types of plugs, and the lobby is thus rendered an electronic refugee camp, full of people thumbing screens, charging phones and cameras, and tapping away at keyboards.

It is only later when I’m looking for some information about Samarkand and find Google blocked that I begin to wonder if this e-herding in the lobby is not just a sign of the hotel being out of date, but of something altogether more sinister. Uzbekistan is supposedly a democracy, but with an authoritarian president who was appointed just before the nation became independent, and who has since conducted four elections that he’s won himself. “We keep electing him because he is a very good man,” says Jabir with a straight face. There’s no way of telling if this is a genuinely held belief or sophisticated sarcasm, but as an Internet search would show, there are human-rights activists and political opponents who disagree vehemently. And as I learn later from a guide in Samarkand, there are people in the shadows who keep an eye on what tourists and guides are up to.

Only three members of our group don’t have a friend or relative accompanying them. One is Paras, who quickly teams up with a couple of other Gujaratis on the tour. The other two are Rajesh and me, who by default end up sitting next to each other on the bus and at the same table during meals. We chat for a while at the hotel while waiting for the City Glimpse tour to take off. Rajesh is a scrawny, sleepy-eyed man of 27. He comes across as somewhat jittery and constantly smokes cigarettes to calm himself. We get to talking about our families and what we do. Rajesh comes from a family of industrialists that is ‘super-rich’ according to him: ‘House like a palace, lots of big cars.’ But he is estranged from his family except for nominally being in charge of one of the family’s factories and receiving a generous income for what he admits are very light duties. I ask him what he does with all that free time. ‘I do a lot of meditation. I work on my consciousness.’

The group is so lackadaisical about sight-seeing that Jabir has to call every room from Reception to get people into the bus for the tour. It’s twilight by the time we set out to see the city. We begin with Independence Square, a vast fountain-studded garden at the centre of the city, surrounded by government buildings. We stop at a large sculpture of a woman cradling a baby in front of a globe set on a pedestal. This, Jabir tells us, is a monument marking the birth of Uzbekistan. At another corner is a flame kept burning constantly in memory of the Uzbek soldiers who died in World War II, this time with a grieving mother in the background. Nearby is a memorial along whose corridor the names of those fallen soldiers are engraved on brass plates that can be turned like the pages of a book. Around 330,000 Uzbek soldiers are estimated to have died in the war, a statistic made palpably real when one leafs through their names and sees from the years book-ending their lives that most of them died tragically young. The monuments scattered around Independence Square are impressive in scale, and I imagine it’s all very powerful when seen during the day. Jabir is making a brave attempt to point at the barely distinguishable outlines in the dark and place them in the context of Uzbek history. But he’s also having to quell internal rebellion in the group, which is a) hungry, not having eaten anything since the not very appetizing airline meal; and b) eager to get started with what is after all the tour’s raison d’être. Even while Jabir spouts numbers and facts, I overhear Don complaining to one of his henchmen about how even now, after we’re in Tashkent, there is a marked absence of any ‘setting’. Don is also afflicted by peer pressure, notably by comparison with a friend back in India named Patlu who has previously toured Uzbekistan: ‘Patlu ne toh pehle hi din kaam kar diya tha. Aaj kuchh nahin hoga toh usko kya kahenge? (Patlu did the work on the first day itself. If nothing happens today, then what will we tell him?)’ Then, it turns out that someone in our group was offered a massage in his hotel room for USD 40 soon after arrival, which he immediately accepted. A few people gather round to find out what happened. ‘Arre, woh massage massage tha. It turned out to be a massage massage,’ is the answer. A voice clarifies: ‘Isne kapde utaare, lekin usne nahin. (He took off his clothes, but she didn’t.)’ There’s all-round chortling and someone says ruefully, ‘Bangkok ki aadat pad gayi. (We’ve got used to Bangkok).’ In between, while walking between the monuments around Independence Square, Jabir is being pressed about dinner and post-dinner plans, and he finally gives up and asks if we want to leave right now. The answer is a resounding yes and we wait for our bus beside what Jabir says is the Romanov Palace, where a Russian prince bided his exile in the nineteenth century. Of the glimpses listed on the tour program—Independence Square, Broadway street with artists and souvenirs, Amir Temur Square, Victory Monu- ment—I only have a recollection of walking around Independence Square.

Tour programs are written with almost lawyerly precision to avoid disputes during and after the tour. The entry for our dinner reads: ‘Gala Dinner at Indian restaurant with dance show, 2 veg + 2 non-veg snacks, soft drinks, local vodka and beer.’ We troop into the restaurant looking adoringly at the waitresses greeting us with namastes, and sit at tables in ways that preserve the sub-groups among us. Most of the group can’t be bothered with vodka or beer and have bought bottles of Chivas Regal and Johnny Walker at Delhi duty-free. I sit at a table with Rajesh this first night, and we drink the local vodka (which, it must be said, is pretty good).

The first dance act is a gymnastics routine by a couple who wind themselves around each other in all sorts of impressive ways. They’re followed by a group of girls who perform a folk-dance in hats and frilly skirts, and hoot in chorus at fixed points in the song. These are only the opening acts. Next is a group of girls in bodices and sheer pants who wriggle their hips and trace sinuous arcs with their sequined chests, and with the whisky beginning to make its presence felt, the evening begins in earnest.

Don gets up from his chair, a fan of notes in the hand of his raised arm, and dances to the clearing in the centre of the room. He’s slow but surprisingly rhythmic, and looks like he does this every day. He picks a girl to dance with and hands her a few notes, the remaining cash still splayed in his hand. Jabir has told us there’s no touching allowed, and Don shows himself to be an exponent of the art of close dancing while only occasionally and accidentally brushing against his partner. He periodically hands her notes or showers a few over her head with a flourish of the wrist. He dances with a consistently broad and rapturous grin on his face, and when he is not up close, his eyes ravish her body. When the song ends, he pats her on the extreme lower back and returns to his table to high-fives and hearty claps on the (upper) back.

It’s soon a free-for-all with the girls dancing between the tables and the men either sitting down and leering while drinking and smoking, or getting up and joining them. Some of the men dance at a respectful distance; Kakaji, remarkably lithe for his age, holds both hands of a girl and jogs in place while the others cheer him on. Sharmaji, a fiftyish, bald, real-estate agent from Haryana, holds his arms up in the air and skips from leg to leg, occasionally trying to grab at a girl. He’s not the only one; there are plenty of clumsy attempts to break the no-touch rule, but the men are heavy with drink and bellies and lust and are no match for the girls, who shimmy and spin out of reach. The floor keeps getting littered with currency notes that are scooped up between songs by waiters. Don is easily the largest contributor here, having come with a large leather bag full of soums.

Aap enjoy nahin kar rahe ho? (You aren’t enjoying?)’ asks the tour leader, concerned that I am not dancing. I shrug and after a while join him outside the restaurant, where he is waiting for the night managers to arrive. He’s 24, an MBA student in Delhi, and he does this part-time for the money. It’s his second time as tour leader to Uzbekistan. He tells me that things have changed this time around. Previously the tour guide would manage the ‘setting’ but things are different now after the Uzbek government kicked up a fuss.

The night managers arrive in cars. There are four or five of them I’d guess, but it’s hard to say exactly because they all seem to have emerged from a single mould: they’re burly and bouncer-like in build with close cropped hair, wearing track-suits or at least one half of a track-suit; they’re all freshly shaved with faces that are immobile except for darting eyes; they all have a cigarette going; the other hand is in a pocket and emerges every half-minute or so with a cell-phone that they hold to their ears impassively before ending the call with a single sentence, word or grunt. Some members of our group already seem to know where the action is. The sardars come across as particularly savvy, quietly taking off together in a taxi. (Contributing to their aura of savvy are the turbans they’re wearing. This morning in Delhi they were all wearing regulation monochrome turbans, but here two of the younger sardars have donned multicoloured patterned things that sit nattily beret-like on their heads.) The unsavvy among us run back and forth between the night managers and the group. Navin adds himself to the mix, rushing between the night managers and the members of our group. The deal in the air is this: there’s a farmhouse somewhere that interested parties can repair to, where there’s a USD 50 charge to inspect the girls and then a further USD 150 for spending three hours with one of them. Some decide to return to the hotel and head to a night-club from there. There’s much confusion and Jabir tries to herd those returning to the hotel into the bus. Sharmaji is drunk and frustrated with the night managers and becomes livid when asked to get into the bus. ‘Behenchod,’ he screams at Jabir on the street, furious at the prospect of a boom-boom-less night. ‘Hum enjoy karne aaye hain. Park dekhne, daaru peene nahin. (We’ve come to enjoy. Not to see parks or to drink.)’ Jabir is immediately placatory and begs for forgiveness, saying he’s only a child in front of Sharmaji. Some others in the group intervene, and peace is restored. Sharmaji goes off to relieve himself in the street while Jabir enters the bus and says into the mic: ‘This is not India. We don’t piss wherever we want.’
I’m walking into the hotel with Rajesh when the security guard at the hotel stops us to ask if we’re looking for girls. Rajesh is, and he’s told to go to the sixth floor of the hotel to make a selection. (Talking later with the security guard, I find that he thinks of himself as an artist. He’s broken-hearted after being dumped by his girlfriend of four years, and has written a song about it. He also plans to write an English novel and has got as far as the title: The Billionaire Living Inside of Me. From him I learn that in addition to Indians, it’s Pakistanis and Koreans who make up the bulk of sex tourists to Uzbekistan.)

I emerge from the hotel the next morning to see Rajesh in a red leather jacket and sunglasses, smoking a pensive cigarette on a bench outside. I join him and ask how last night went. ‘So-so,’ he says. He’d picked a blonde Russian girl and was told she’d come to his room, but a dark-haired Uzbek girl had showed up instead. He didn’t want to kick up a fuss so he’d made do with her and paid up.

Today we’re to go by bus to the Chimgan Mountains and the nearby Charvak Lake. The tour program says we start at 9; Jabir has deferred it to 10; we finally set off at 11. There are many empty seats in the bus—Don and his henchmen are absent, as are the two beret-turbaned sardars and a few others. They’re either recovering from the exertions of last night or resting in anticipation of tonight’s. The bus is triumphant with stories of boom-boom from the previous night. Someone asks about Kakaji, and Paras says, a few rows behind Kakaji and out of his earshot, ‘He was saying that he can’t get it up any longer.’ Someone shouts out, ‘Arre Kakaji, Viagra le lo.’ Another recommends a magic ‘chutney’ that Don (who else?) has, that is guaranteed to work wonders.

The darker story from last night that’s making the rounds of the bus is that three men from the group went to a farmhouse with one of the night managers and soon found themselves in the middle of a police raid. They were the only customers there, so it would seem that the whole thing was an inside job. The police had threatened the men with imprisonment and extracted from them all the money they had, even driving them to the hotel so they could fetch cash from the room. Total damage: USD 1900. Later in the day Jabir announces on the PA system that they needn’t have paid anything at all because it’s only the sex-workers and pimps who are vulnerable to prosecution, and if any of us finds ourselves in a similar quandary we have just to call Jabir and he’ll arrive at any time of the night and—this communicated in his sweet, lisping Hindi—thrust a pole up the cops’ rear ends.
‘On the way enjoy view of mountains and life of local people’ suggests the tour program. The two- hour bus ride to Chimgan Mountains does take us through a good cross-section of Uzbekistan. The roads in Tashkent, pleasantly wide and uncongested, are disproportionately full of Chevrolet cars (manufactured at General Motors’ Uzbekistan plant that accounted for 94 per cent of all cars sold in the country in 2011). Outside the city there’s little traffic, most conspicuous being the donkey-carts piled high with hay making their way along the side of the road. The landscape is flat with occasional patches of sparse green that give way easily to a rocky dusty brown. The only green here is scrub and shrub and frizzy trees with branches that rise upwards as if in surrender. Large expanses of land are given over to cultivating cotton, the export of which is one of Uzbekistan’s main sources of income. Jabir tells us about how government employees and school and college students are marshalled for picking cotton by hand. (These are considered forced labour camps by human rights organizations. In general, cotton cultivation in Uzbekistan isn’t a shining example of the liberties its citizens enjoy: in addition to these camps that ensure low-cost harvesting, farmers must meet quotas and sell only to a government agency which in turn exports cotton at huge profits that cynics claim line the pockets of the influential.) Besides cotton, there are large apple orchards; apricot trees seem to spring up anywhere there’s space.

Uzbekistan happens to be blessed in the matter of fruits and nuts. This morning, on seeing the laden fruit table at the hotel’s breakfast buffet, I’m reminded of what I’ve read about Babur, who founded the Mughal dynasty in India, but was to the end disdainful of the quality of fruit there. Babur, recorded as being obsessively passionate about fruit, spent his youth in what is now Uzbekistan. In his memoir Baburnama, he credits the township of Akhsi in Fergana with producing a variety of melon that he suspects has no equal in the world. He should know, being a near-maniac about melons: he’d pit varieties of melons against each other at dinner parties, and once, when in fruit-deficient India a melon was brought to him from Kabul, he wept. At the hotel buffet I fill my plate with large grapes, slices of apple, and cubes of watermelon and musk melon. I manage to hold back the tears, but there’s no doubt Babur was on to something—there’s a just-right combination of sweetness, juice and crunch to the fruits that’s remarkably satisfying.

A little before we reach Chimgan we stop by the side of the road to buy slabs of roasted almonds, sun-dried with honey into a delicate lattice. They’re being sold by a half-dozen scarf-wearing Kazakhi women whom Navin takes on single-handedly. He rushes around organizing us into impromptu buyers’ collectives, and heaps packets of honey-almond in front of each of the women as he gauges demand from us in Hindi and forces the price down with peremptory motions of his unbroken right arm. When the bus is about to leave he initiates a parting high-stakes game that involves adding packets of the higher-priced variety of honey-almond to already full plastic bags and fishing them out when his price isn’t agreed to. I notice that he’s slipped in an extra packet in the frenzy and point it out thinking he’s made a mistake, but he only grins. In the end, the Kazakhi women have sold plenty of honey-almond and our group has got a good price, but the most satisfied person here is Navin, who thrives on deal-making. Even without having too many words to serve him here, he’s managed a transactional prolixity that’s left everyone else exhausted.

Uzbekistan is a landlocked country bound on all sides by -stans: Afghanistan, Turkmenis- tan, Kyrgyztan, Tajikistan and, in front of us, beyond the Chimgan mountains, Kazhakhstan. The mountains are an upswelling of dust and craggy rock—the Central Asia of all that war footage from Afghanistan, of those expanses from Kiarostami films. The ‘Chimgan mountains’ of the tour program are really the Western Tian-Shan range, with Chimgan being the name of a ski-resort as well as the tallest peak in the area. Our group hops onto the chair-lifts in pairs to reach an elevation that now, without snow, simply serves as a viewing point. We take pictu- res of each other; Sharmaji and a couple of others look for a place to pour midday pegs of whisky. On the descent I share the chair-lift with Rajesh, who seems more fidgety than usual. I ask him if he’s okay. He tells me, quite casually, that in a previous life he’d been killed by someone who chased him and hit him on the head. It comes back to him occasionally in the form of knocks at the back of his head, accompanied by the feeling that he’s falling forwards. He’s receiving those reminders now. ‘Thak. Thak. Thak,’ he says, holding the back of his head. We’re suspended high above the mountainside—a terrible time to be talking of falling. I say something about how we don’t have to completely believe everything our mind throws up. ‘I don’t believe. I know,’ he says. The knocking soon grows fainter and we end up talking metaphysics all the way down. He talks about the Self with great conviction, almost entirely in unconnected aphorisms attributed to Osho. He considers himself a follower of Osho and has spent time in the Pune ashram. Returning to earth, he tells me: ‘It’s very easy to have sex there. In two months I had twelve girlfriends.’

A short drive away is the Charvak Lake, a water reservoir formed by damming the Chirchiq River. Its shores are lined by resorts, and it is at one of these that we have lunch. The resort is empty and the group hangs around aimlessly after lunch. I’m chatting with a couple of men who are government contractors and we’re all surprised by the fact that Uzbekistan appears more developed than India. Tashkent has wide, clean tree-lined avenues with parks and squares, large buildings and monuments. One of the contractors certifies that the roads are even of good quality. Jabir joins us. He’s had a couple of beers with his lunch and is in a frank and expansive mood. He tells us that people are hard-working in Uzbekistan and that’s not the case in India: ‘You won’t throw rubbish in the bin because you have to walk a few metres.’ And that is why, according to Jabir, India is dirty and poor. He’s noticed something else about Indians for which he’d like an explanation, but none of us has an answer. ‘Tum Indians na,’ he says, ‘paani bahut peete ho aur susu bahut karte ho. Kyon? (You Indians drink a lot of water and you pee a lot. Why?)’ The question is of significance to Jabir because: a) he is pestered for frequent toilet stops by Indian tour groups; and b) he is bound by the legalese of the tour program to distribute 0.5 litre of water ‘per pax’ per day, which requirement he more than meets, but still finds himself besieged by parched pax who haven’t received their water. As our tour progresses, discussions among the group will indicate that there are some who are sneaking multiple bottles of water into their bags for later use. More than one person’s whispered testimony will implicate the athlete among us (who bears an uncanny resemblance to the actor Dilip Kumar, down to the jet-black dyed hair that becomes visible when his official cap comes off in moments of weakness.) It is possible that Dilip Kumar, being an athlete, needs to maintain higher levels of hydration than your average sex tourist, but he and his companion also boast—whenever anyone in the group complains that the one thing they miss here is chai—about making cups of tea and coffee in their hotel room with an electric kettle for which the water must come from somewhere. The two also insist at the gala dinners that they occupy a separate table all by themselves. On occasions when those of us who aren’t in a tightly-bound group try to join them, they conspicuously slink away to a new table to sit by themselves so that—it is speculated by the large and teddy-bear-like Gujarati government contractor—they can polish off an entire table’s worth of snacks and fruit. Any doubts I have about DK’s guilt in the water scam—Watergate?—vanish when I see, during one of the gala dinners, that DK has taken a two-litre bottle of Sprite from the bar counter and hidden it under his table. It’s possible there are mitigating circumstances, and maybe this is some sort of each-man-for-himself attitude picked up in the past from touring in the company of hungry, thirsty sportsmen, but the duo’s overall attitude earns it few friends in the group.

Something else that Dilip Kumar may have acquired during sports tours is the compulsion to be the life and soul of the party. After sitting quietly for a day and a half, he strides up to the front of the tour bus at a time when Jabir isn’t speaking and takes the mike. ‘From now on,’ he announces, ‘I’ll always have the mike when Jabir isn’t using it.’ He bursts into ‘Kabhi alvida na kehna’ even if it’s a little premature (as he himself admits) for a goodbye song, and then launches into an elaborate joke presented here in precis:

Kakaji (for DK employs the jocular device of picking his characters from the group) had a pair of shoes with singularly reflective uppers made at great expense before leaving for Uzbekistan. On the flight to Tashkent, when the young, pretty, short-skirted, female flight attendant served him a peg of whisky, Kakaji slyly inserted his foot into the aisle and accurately told her the colour of her underwear. The attendant, taken aback by Kakaji’s guess, changed her underwear to test him and brought another peg, only to be humbled again. After this happened a few times the flustered attendant decided to outwit Kakaji by serving him a whisky while wearing no underwear. Kakaji burst into tears. Now concerned, the flight attendant asked if all was well, upon which Kakaji pointed to the foot of his outstretched leg and lamented between sobs the fact that his new shoe was already torn.

There are several puzzled faces in the bus post the joke and this prompts Dilip Kumar to explain it in such excruciating detail that I suspect my mind switches off to cope. DK’s subsequent jokes are only hazy memories when I later sit at the grand writing-table in my hotel room to make notes. I do remember however that DK introduces each new joke with the phrase ‘Aur ek chutkula’ and that one of DK’s chutkulas is a long-winded and atrocious meta-joke about how the very word chutkula derives from a Hindi vulgarism for a certain part of a woman’s body.

The second evening’s gala dinner, at another Indian restaurant, features dancers who would be considered outrageously beautiful in any part of the world. They’re also accomplished belly dancers and the evening is a low-lit blur of skin and diaphanous fabric. The dancers are on a small stage in the middle of the dining area and there’s a sign that says the stage is only for performers. This does not stop Don from clambering up with an ecstatic expression and a bundle of soums. Sharmaji is next. Soon, the girls are down among the group, dancing between tables to Sheela ki Jawaani, Kajra Re and Munni Badnaam Hui, and the floor is carpeted with soums. There are many attempts to chat up the dancers, who smile coyly and accept money, but will not disclose even their names. Paras, the sari distributor from Surat, is in his thirties but often boyish in behaviour. He tries to woo a waitress by looking longingly at her and saying ‘Helllooo’ but it only causes her to break out in giggles.

It’s a drunk and slavering group that heads out of the restaurant. The sardars immediately get into a taxi outside the restaurant in the company of a mini-skirted woman. The rest have plans in or around the hotel, and head back in the bus. Four of us—Paras, Rajesh, a businessman from Gujarat in his mid-thirties, and I—are planning to sample a night-club near our hotel. Kakaji, who has danced with abandon and is slightly drunk at the end of the evening takes us aside to give us some advice after we alight at the hotel. ‘This body is all bones and flesh,’ he tells us, extending his arms and looking at himself. ‘It’s nothing at all—here today, gone tomorrow. Enjoy everything; enjoy all you want. But just keep one thing in mind—never enjoy yourself at anyone else’s cost; never hurt anyone else.’
Before we set off with the elder’s blessings, we want to leave behind in our rooms our passports and money in excess of what we need for the night. In the hotel lobby we are stopped by the security guard who tells us there are girls waiting on the sixth floor. We stop by on the way down from our rooms. The sixth floor corridor is dense as a railway platform with members from our tour group. They’re sprawled on the floor or sitting in small groups smoking and drinking whisky. They’re the ones who are sharing rooms with one or two others, and they’re waiting in the corridor while their friends are busy in the room. At one end of the corridor is a service entry passage where a half-dozen young women are waiting—leaning on the walls, sitting on the floor; one is seated on a toilet, the door to the stall open. A hotel security guard stands by smoking and checking his phone. The air is thick with perfume. The women array themselves invitingly as we arrive. Rajesh grins at the one resting on the toilet and asks if she’s finished. They all laugh obligatorily and resume radiating allure at us. They’re of different builds and hair colours, all in short skirts, high-heels and fresh make-up. From close up, there’s something strangely unreal here—a mechanical coquettishness that brings to mind characters from video games, where if you stop playing and just look at one of the characters for a while, you’ll see the rendered presence heave microscopically and twitch and blink in ways that are meant to aid verisimilitude but actually do the opposite once you pay any attention.

Rajesh is overcome with lust for one of the women. The transformation is startling—one moment he’s casting a cool, appraising eye over the women and the next he’s entranced by a blonde who’s standing with her back arched against the wall. ‘You’re very pretty,’ he says and kisses her tenderly on the cheek. He looks her over transfixed; he bites his lower lip and strokes the tattoo that’s partially visible over the waist of her skirt. She can be his for an hour for USD 100. ‘How much for full night?’ he asks the security guard, who’s also the pimp. USD 300. He turns to us like a man who cannot believe his luck. ‘Yaar, yeh mast hai yaar,’ he says, and transfers his gaze back to her. Paras tells him to take her if he wants, the rest of us will go on to the club. Rajesh thinks for a minute and snaps out of it. It’s only 11 pm. He’ll try his luck at the club and come back here if required.

A car with four women pulls up beside us as we walk to the club. A window rolls down and one of them asks: ‘Boom-boom?’ There’s a short conversation. USD 100 for 2 hours; USD 150 for the whole night. ‘Massage, boom-boom, everything,’ the woman says. ‘Exchange girls afterwards.’ But the night is still young and we move on. One of the hotel’s receptionists has given us directions to the club. When we get there, there’s a club, but not the one we are looking for. Girls go in and out; burly men fitting the archetype of night managers stand outside in track-suits or hoodies. One of them tells us the club now has a new owner, a new name and a fairly steep cover charge plus ‘table deposit’. There’s going to be a strip tease and there will be plenty of girls to be picked up. The other three are serious about following through, so I leave them there and walk back to the hotel. A couple of taxis slow down beside me: ‘Boom-boom?’ In the hotel elevator, a bell-boy asks, ‘Sir, you want massage in your room?’ It’s an achievement to return to the room with the night unconsummated.

In the morning over breakfast I learn that Rajesh and the others picked up girls at the nightclub, took a taxi to one of their apartments at 4 am, and have only just returned. They paid the girls USD 80 and are subject to eager questioning by others in the group who feel this is more boom-boom for the buck than they’ve been getting. Paras is adept at bargaining (no doubt from his experience in the sari business), and like all good strategists he knows when retreat is the best policy. He regales the group with an incident from last night when he invited four girls to sit at their table and asked if they’d like a drink. They wanted Red Bulls, which Paras, casting a quick eye on the menu, saw were USD 15 each. So he sprang up from his chair as if taken by the song that was playing, and lost himself in dancing until the girls were gone.

We are a depleted group again this morning as we head to the Lal Bahadur Shastri memorial. Tashkent was the site for USSR-moderated peace negotiations in 1966 between the Indian Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri and his Pakistani counterpart Muhammad Ayub Khan. Shastri died in Tashkent a day after the agreement was signed, and today a small landscaped plot with his bust serves as a memorial. Jabir has thoughtfully brought a couple of roses with him and members of the group have their photographs taken side-on, ostentatiously placing a rose at the base of the pedestal while twisting their necks to face the camera. We mill about and I hear some of the older members of the group talking about Shastri’s integrity. The matter of his having resigned as Railway Minis- ter after taking moral responsibility for an accident comes up. ‘No one could point a finger at him,’ one man says in admiration. Inevitably, a contrast is drawn between him and today’s scam-ridden politicians, and there’s much clucking and head-shaking about corruption (which I can’t help thinking is a bit rich coming from a group com posed in large measure of adulterers and tax-evaders).

We drive over to the Shahidlar Xotirasi—Memorial to the Victims of Repression—a museum and park that remembers the Uzbeks who resisted the regimes of the Tsars and the Soviets and were killed or incarcerated. We don’t enter the museum, but we walk in the park laid around a soaring rotunda. This is also one of the few times we get to meet locals. Schoolboys ask for Indian cigarettes; schoolgirls want to pose with us for pictures to be taken on their phone-cameras. There is no common language for communication except Hindi cinema. Subtitled Hindi films were popular in the USSR and continue to be so now in Uzbekistan. So once it has been established that we are from India, an older man or woman might beam and say, ‘Raj Kapoor!’ to which the correct response could be a cheery ‘Dilip Kumar!’; then a ‘Rishi Kapoor!’ possibly countered with an ‘Amitabh Bachchan!’ The school-kids are more contemporary, bringing up Kareena Kapoor, Hrithik Roshan, Shah Rukh Khan and Salman Khan. As usual the most loquacious of our group turns out to be Navin, who in addition to never tiring of exchanging names of actors, has actually made the effort to acquire a rudimentary Russian vocabulary. As a group of school-girls leaves after a long photo session in which Navin poses with them in various combinations, he calls out ‘Dasvidaniya’ and ‘Ya tebya lublu’, which elicits an uncomfortable blush from a couple of them.

If a lot of Tashkent looks new and shiny, it’s because it is. An earthquake levelled Tashkent in April 1966 and today’s Tashkent is mostly Soviet or Uzbek construction. We visit a monument marking the earthquake (one of the few Soviet era monuments to survive Uzbek independence): a larger-than-life couple with a child brace themselves against the earth splitting open at their feet. In the afternoon we go to Chorsu bazaar, a packed market in which pretty much anything one could want is on sale either in the shops or from the women in scarves seated on the pavements. Our interest is in the blue-green dome at the centre that houses the spices and dried fruits section. Dried fruits are what Indian tourists take back with them, and here are almonds, walnuts, raisins, apricots and dates available in varied sizes, shapes, combinations, and stages of processing. Competition among the sellers is so intense that they physically force potential customers to try samples and I walk out of the market with bags and stomach full of dried fruits. I see that several of the others have bought pomegranates at the fresh produce market nearby and am pleasantly surprised to find amidst us this Babur-like connoisseurship of fresh fruit until I overhear someone in the bus mention that it gives ‘strength’.

In the evening I take a walk with Rajesh. He tells me he’s looking for a larger purpose in life. He earns around ten lakhs a month from his family business without much effort, but he doesn’t want to go on like this, working half-heartedly at something he’s not interested in. ‘I want to do something,’ he says. To that end he’s planning some high-risk projects that should earn him a few crores in the span of a year or two. After that he’ll be free of his family business and can work on something related to the arts. The evening’s gala dinner features the same performers as yesterday, so it’s a joyful continuation from where everyone left off. Kakaji has body ache and is subdued—the flesh and bones are making their presence felt after last night’s drinking and dancing. I get up to use the toilet, find it occupied by someone who’s taking inordinately long, and return to my table. Later I find out that one of the men from our group entered the toilet and found he had walked in on a woman who worked in the restaurant’s kitchen. By force of habit he’d held out two thousand soum notes in apology. She’d looked at the notes and signalled five, upon which he’d locked the door behind him. The fourth day of the tour is ‘free at leisure’ according to the tour program. Some of us have asked Jabir to organize a day-trip to Sa- markand. It seems a shame to come all this way and not visit one of the most ancient and historically rich cities in the world. We’re to leave early tomorrow morning. Navin asks Rajesh as we enter the hotel if he’s going to Samarkand. ‘Yeh history-wistory koi kaam ki cheez nahin hai. This history-wistory is of no use,’ says Rajesh. ‘I believe in only two things—sex and money.’

***
Nine of us have booked the Samarkand day trip: Dilip Kumar and his friend, Paras and two other Gujaratis, three Muslims from Delhi (whose religion plays a role in what transpires at Samarkand), and I. For USD 100 each—the price of a boom-boom—we will be driven to the railway station to board the non-stop bullet-train to Samarkand, where we will be met by a van and a guide who will take us around the sights of Samarkand and drop us off at the station in the evening.

The railway station is a large and impressive structure. As Paras puts it, Tashkent’s railway station looks like an airport and the airport looks like a railway station. Our bags are x-rayed, our passports checked, and we get on to the platform where a sleek pointy-nosed train of Spanish construction is waiting. Outside the door to each compartment is a ‘train-hostess’—a young woman in beige skirt and white shirt who looks at our tickets and smiles in welcome. We take pictures with the train, and then with the train-hostesses before taking our seats for the 344 km ride to Samarkand.

In about two and a half hours we are met in Samarkand by our guide for the day—the aptly named Bobur. He tells us that there are seven or eight sites that we shouldn’t miss in Samarkand, but we don’t have much time, and he’ll do his best to show us as much as he can. One of the Muslims pipes up with a constraint—today is Friday and they need to be in a mosque at 1 pm for namaaz. Which explains why one of them has today donned for the first time on the tour a white skull-cap.
First Bobur takes us to the Imam Al-Bukhari memorial complex. The Imam was a ninth-century scholar whose compilation of Hadith is considered by many to be the most authoritative Islamic text after the Quran. The complex contains his mausoleum and a large mosque. The Muslims go to the washing rooms to cleanse themselves before entering. The Hindus—the rest of us—don’t want to enter because we’re not interested enough to pay the entrance fee. We hang around the grounds as Bobur tells us about how the ancient city of Samarkand was in ruins after being sacked by Genghis Khan until Timur revived it by making it his capital in the fourteenth century. For that, and for his prolific military conquests, Bobur tells us, Timur is a national hero in Uzbekistan. Paras mutters: ‘Lutera tha, daaku tha saala.’ (He’s referring to the fact that Timur reached as far as Delhi when he attacked the ruling Sultanate in 1398 and returned with elephants—as many as ninety according to a source from the time—loaded with gold and precious stones.) In the meanwhile we’re restless in the knowledge that we have all Samarkand left to see, but the Muslims are taking forever to emerge from the complex. When they finally do it’s around 11:30 and they propose staying on till it’s time for namaaz. But Bobur tells them he’ll make sure they get to another mosque on time.

It’s a little after noon when we reach Gur-e-Amir—tomb of the kings. Timur is buried here as are his sons and grandsons. The 15th century structure features a single densely ridged dome with intricate patterns in blue mosaic, with the prominent pillars and ornate gateway being a later addition. The Gur-e- Amir is regarded as the predecessor of mausoleums built in India—such as the Taj Mahal—by Timur’s descendants, the Mughals.

While the Hindus look at Timur’s tomb, Bobur leads the Muslims to the mosque a short distance away. The Hindus finish with the tomb, but there’s a discourse going on at the mosque and namaaz hasn’t even started. So the Hindus go to the small Ruhabad mausoleum next to the mosque, which is said to contain a hair of the prophet Muhammad. There’s not much else to do and the afternoon sun is fierce, so all the Hindus except me repair to the van to wait. I chat with Bobur for a while under the shade of a tree. He’s a devout Muslim and if he weren’t working right now he’d be at a mosque too. I ask him how, despite most of Uzbekistan’s population being Muslim, the country feels quite liberal in the matter of alcohol or nightclubs or women’s clothing. According to Bobur this is the case only in the cities, and even that is so because Islamic leaders cannot have their way. The government is apparently wary of extremism, and ensures that religion stays low-key. He tells me of the time he showed a group of Pakistani tourists the sights of Samarkand. After they left he was picked up by the ‘secret police’ and questioned about the tourists’ motives and interests. They’d never do that with Indian or Western tourists, he says.

Breakfast has been early and light, and I’m ravenous. There are no shops or restaurants nearby, so I walk back to the van to check if anyone has something to eat. I find the rest of the party around the van, tucking into biscuits, khakhra and pickle, reliably brought by the Gujaratis. Everyone’s a little annoyed that the limited time we have here is being squandered like this, and there’s something of an anti-Muslim sentiment being worked up. There’s talk about the sudden Friday piety on display after all the boom-boom of the last few days. Then Paras says, ‘I’ve heard they actually worship a shivling at Mecca.’ Dilip Kumar nods vigorously. ‘It’s true,’ he says, and adds, bizarrely, ‘They also worship pigs there.’ The namaaz begins in the mosque and seems to go on and on. As do the khakhras, of which there’s a seemingly endless supply. What was a stopgap snack until lunch becomes lunch. A plan is hatched to make the most of the afternoon: we’ll give the Muslims what’s left of the biscuits and khakhra and avoid stopping for lunch. They finally arrive with sheepish smiles: ‘We thought it would be over in twenty minutes like in India, but it took a while.’ Paras explains the plan to them: we don’t have much time, so could they make do with snacks instead of lunch. ‘I have to eat soon,’ says one of the Muslims. ‘I am diabetic and I am already getting chakkar.’ There’s no arguing with that, so we ask Bobur to take us someplace where we can pick up some food quickly. He claims to know of no such place, and says he’ll take us to the one restaurant that he does know. On the way, the Hindus for some reason start talking politics. The doctor says to the Gujarati contractor: ‘Modi has done an incredible job in Gujarat. In ten years he’s completely transformed the state.’ There’s general agreement on that, and further discussion in the van (during which the Muslims stay mum) leads to the consensus that Modi is by far the frontrunner for PM in 2014. There’s a round of bashing the Congress-led government’s policies, with Dilip Kumar calling the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act ‘bakwaas’ because it indulges the lazy. (He elaborates on this the next morning at breakfast. ‘Who are the people who don’t want to work?’ he asks from beneath his INDIA cap, and answers his own question by counting off the indolent classes on two fingers: ‘Chamaar aur Musalmaan.’)

At the restaurant, the Hindus wait outside wearily while the Muslims take lunch. Bobur is fed separately by the staff, and judging by his familiarity with them he comes here often with tourists and is likely incentivized to do so. While waiting outside, Paras, to kill time, asks a taxi-driver about the prospects for boom-boom in Samarkand. The prospects are unbelievably great. The taxi-driver, in his broken English, says he can arrange for boom-boom all right. ‘What you like? 16 years, 17 years, 18 years?’ How much? ‘25 dollars, 30 dollars.’ Paras is goggle-eyed and wishes he’d known about this earlier. He and another Gujarati start making hectic plans to skip post-lunch sightseeing and instead squeeze in some boom-boom between now and the train’s departure. But these plans are forgotten when Paras falls in love.

She’s a young woman in a pink dress sipping cocktails with her friend in the outdoor section of the restaurant. Paras can’t stop looking at her, but he can’t muster up the courage to go talk to her either. The rest of us pass time by egging him on. Finally he goes up to their table, sits there for a minute, and returns. They speak no English at all, so there’s nothing to be said. After an hour spent eating, Bobur and the Muslims emerge content from the restaurant. We pile into the van, but Paras has asked Bobur to interpret for him, and they head off to the girls’ table. The rest of us sit in the van and watch Paras’s translated wooing from afar. The diabetic Muslim, now energized, says to his cohort, pointedly and loud enough for the whole van to hear: ‘Kyon, ab der nahi ho rahi? (Well, now aren’t we getting late)?’ Paras returns triumphant. She’s willing to go on a date with him in the evening. He can call her through Bobur and decide where to meet. But this will also mean that Paras will have to book a room in Samarkand and return by himself the next day. His Gujarati friends refuse to stay with him; he asks me, but I too say no. I ask him what his problem is with staying alone – anyway, if all goes well he’ll have the girl for company. ‘Foreign country hai yaar, dar lagta hai. (It’s a foreign country, so one feels scared.)’

We have time to visit just one more site, and it’s to be the Registan, the main public square of Samarkand during the reign of Timur and his successors. What remains today is the tile-patterned expanse of the square bounded off on three sides by madrassas. One of the madrassas was built in the fifteenth century by Timur’s grandson Ulugh Beg; the other two came in the seventeenth century. Each of these madrassas evokes awe with its size, elegance of form and density of ornamentation, but to stand in the middle of the square surrounded by three all at once is outright swoon-inducing. Towering gateways, minarets, cupolas and arches are all covered in coloured ceramic, most of it in vivid shades of blue. The motifs and inscriptions are intricate enough to be admirable on a teacup, but at this scale they are near miraculous. It seems no exaggeration to say there’s nothing quite like it in the world. The Registan is a kind of Mecca of Islamic architecture. Timur’s military conquests took him far and wide and slaughtered far too many, but he brought back with him the best craftsmen and builders from wherever he went, and the eventual results of that confluence are the glistening blue wonders of Timurid Samarkand.

We make a hasty stop at a market to buy dry fruits and silks, and head to the railway station. Paras, after much introspection and discussion, decides not to take the risk of staying on in Samarkand. But its women, both professional and amateur, have made a mark on him. ‘Next time I’m coming straight here,’ he says.

Samarkand’s history is ridiculously rich and varied: people have lived here for at least three and a half millennia, with a city being established in 700 BC; it’s been ruled by Persians, Greeks, Turkics, Chinese and Russians; several larger-than-life figures in world history have been here—Alexander, Gengis Khan, Timur; it’s had Zoroastrians, Buddhists and Nestorian Christians before becoming largely Islamic; and it’s been an important staging post on the Silk Road, the network of trade routes that connected China with Europe until the fifteenth century. Our day in the most glorious city of Transoxiana has largely been spent waiting for people while they eat, pray or love, and we’ve left most of its riches unexplored. If there’s a next time I’m coming straight here too.

***
There are perhaps five people in our entire tour group who are not here for boom-boom. I’m one of them, and I have to admit this whenever someone in the group wants to compare notes about how we’re enjoying. One of the cool sardars asks me, ‘Aap gay ho kya? Are you gay?’ More poetically, someone else asks, ‘Mandir tak aaye, par pooja nahin ki? (Came till the temple, but did not worship?)’ I joke that maybe my temples are elsewhere, to which he says, ‘Woh toh sabke hain. (That everyone has.)’

I begin to feel, as the tour comes to an end, that despite all the fuss about boom-boom, maybe the group doesn’t really enjoy it very much. Take Rajesh: one night he isn’t happy because he’s been sent the wrong girl; on the next night he’s in a sex worker’s apartment 15 km from the hotel and unable to have a good time because he’s worried about safety. On the last night when someone asks if he’s getting a girl, he just says, ‘No, I’m bored.’ (Instead we go to a nightclub where, between lap-dances, he tells me he doesn’t approve of this sort of place: ‘Sex is good. Sexuality is bad.’) Or take Paras, who has no equal in the group when it comes to describing his experiences in queasy detail. He tells me that the sex workers here wear female condoms and get the man to wear a condom. Unable to help myself I ask him what that’s like, and he says, ‘It’s okay. A little noisy,’—which does not sound like much fun at all. When he falls in love with the girl in pink in Samarkand he outright denounces paid sex and tells me that just taking a girl out to dinner on one’s own merits is far better than boom-boom with a sex-worker. Right at the beginning of the tour, even as the bus pulled out of the airport, Jabir told us about the show he organizes—naked women, fondling allowed, no boom-boom. When he found no takers, he’d said, presumably from past experience, ‘Never mind. You’ll all get bored of boom-boom in a couple of days. Then you can go for this.’ This turns out to be exactly what happens.

I also come to suspect that there’s a thrill that comes from exercising power over another that may be as or more enjoyable than the boom-boom itself. The delight on the faces of men as a girl dances for them is no doubt owing to some erotic self-validation, but also at the fact that the taunting clutch of currency notes in their hand gives them the power to acquire that validation at will. (This power dynamic is well-understood in dance-bars in India, where a feudal component is serviced as well: all the men working in these bars—the doormen, the waiters —in return for tips will affect a cowering smarminess intended to make the most hapless patron feel like Timur himself.) The pinnacle of power I’d guess is at the moment of selecting a girl from a fawning line-up, which might render the subsequent boom-boom somewhat anti-climactic. Unless there’s a chance to throw one’s weight around there too. Returning to the department of queasy details, Paras boasts over breakfast one morning of how he asserted himself in the night. He’d paid a night manager for a ‘two-shot’ session with a woman who, after the first shot regretted her inability to go through with the second because she’d run out of condoms. Paras suspected she was shirking work and so he adopted a severe tone and asked her to call the night manager right now, upon which she found some condoms and readied herself for round two. Is the human element to be considered here at all, or does the situation have the same contractual obligations of, say, a tour program that promises two non-veg snacks during a gala dinner and delivers only one? How do you go on to have sex with a woman who’s clearly indicated she’s unwilling, unless you don’t see her as a person at all, or unless the very fact that she doesn’t have a say is part of what’s driving you?

At a nightclub I go to with Paras and Rajesh, there are about a dozen minimally clad women in impossible heels who take turns with the pole in the middle and stalk the room giving lap dances. At one point in the evening there’s a cry from a table near ours and I turn to see a woman fly briefly through the air and crash to the floor. For some reason, the man she was straddling has thrown her off him. His table is at the edge of a slightly elevated section of the floor, making her fall all the more dramatic. She clambers back up onto her heels, looking at the man in disbelief. Gone is her strut, her inviting smile. It’s a tired, frightened girl who totters away weeping. There are bouncers around but they say nothing to the man (who, burly and impassive, may well be some sort of alpha night manager). If this can happen in public, how vulnerable must women be behind a locked door with a stranger.

Jabir is defensive when I ask him how Uzbekistan became a destination for sex tourists. He largely holds the tourists responsible. He says he’s interested in showing people around his country, but they only care for one thing. According to him there aren’t even that many women involved in sex work. He says, ‘There are maybe around a hundred girls in Tashkent. Everyone comes here, fucks the same girls and goes back.’ That sounds like a considerable understatement. There must be that number of sex workers from the former USSR in Delhi or Mumbai alone. The textbook explanation holds that the dissolution of the USSR created economic uncertainty in which many young women found it hard to support themselves, and ended up in different parts of the world as sex workers.

Why come all the way to Uzbekistan when it’s easily possible to find women from the region in India? There are reasons of pragmatism, of course—there’s no one who might recognize you here, and the country’s relatively cheap. Beyond that, these four or five days are an opportunity to let oneself go. Here there are no responsibilities of family or work. The proscriptions of home are absent, so you can drink and smoke as much as you want. Everyone’s a young man once again, giggling at adolescent jokes. There’s the sex of course, but here it goes beyond simply servicing the libido. There is a jubilant revelling in sex and an air of constant bawdiness that can only come from the working out of things long pent-up. Here you can unburden yourself completely. You can enjoy.

It’s the last gala dinner of the tour. The girls have left; the notes have been swept off the floor. But the group continues to dance in a small clearing in the restaurant. For the first time on the tour, it’s only men. Every- one’s drunk and there’s a lightness, a playfulness in the air. Someone grabs Kakaji and mock-slow-dances with him; Don rushes for his money-bag and showers notes on them. Sharmaji is skipping with his arms in the air. The sardars are a joy to watch, especially the oldest of them, a man with a long white beard who’s making rhythmic quotation marks in the air with eyes shut in intense concentration. One of the cool sardars dances up to my table and motions to me to join them. ‘No one will ask you tomorrow. Get up,’ he says firmly. Soon I’m flailing about amidst expressions of delight at seeing me on my feet for the first time. Tomorrow we will leave Tashkent and return to our regular lives, but for now—we are enjoying.

Excerpted from If It’s Monday It Must Be Madurai: A Conducted Tour of India by Srinath Perur, with permission from Penguin Books India. Published under Penguin Viking, the book will release in December 2013