17 June 2015

A Road Not Taken in Manipur

By Ratnadip Choudhury
Army removes the ill-fated truck that was ambushed on June 4 on the Somtal road near Paraolon village of Chandel District of Manipur. PHOTO: DEEPAK OINAMParaolon (Manipur), Jun 17 : Speeding along the Asian Highway 1 (AH1) from Manipur capital Imphal en route to the border town of Moreh, there is a sense of peace. It kindles a hope that New Delhi’s ambitious plan to connect North-East India to Southeast Asia through Manipur is really taking flight.

However, a right turn from Chamol towards Tengnoupal, and embarking on the Somtal Road — which leads to Somtal, the last Indian village — reality strikes. It is on this serpentine and bumpy road that militants ambushed the Indian Army convoy on June 4 leaving 18 troopers dead.

Since then, this road has been less travelled by civilians. The only vehicles plying are those of the Indian Army and other security forces.

The first Army check post is at Tengnoupal, and as one goes along the hilly road, movement becomes more challenging.

Twenty-two km from Tengnoupal is Larong village, where the Assam Rifles has a check post.

No one, barring Army and security force vehicles, can pass through this check post without taking permission.

“From here, the area becomes dense, sparsely populated and all vehicular movement needs to be checked,” said a Major in the Indian Army.

Another 20-km drive from Larong would take you to Paraolon, the village which has been deserted since the attack. Paraolon is just 2 km from the ambush spot.

At least 10 villagers were witness to the gun-battle that lasted nearly two hours.

Now the site is almost nondescript. There is no Army presence and when Deccan Herald reached the sharp bend where the ambush took place, the charred Indian Army truck was finally craned out.

The broken glass pieces and burnt fuel marks and rocket-propelled grenade shells still hold testimony to how the Army was caught unawares.

“We have heard gunshots, but it’s been years since the area witnessed any bloodshed. There was a time when no one dared to take the Somtal road; the militants had an open run there. For years, we have not received any government assistance,” said Hinjam, a 65-year-old farmer from Dorchang village, 4 km ahead of Paralaon.

Asked about the Look East policy, Hinjam said: “After the ambush, none of the males are being allowed by the Army into the jungles for cultivation or hunting. Only women are allowed to venture out. The government is only interested about the border town of Moreh, not other remote areas. If the government is not present here, then the militants will arrive — that has been the order of the day.”

The United National Liberation Front had, a decade ago, established the “liberated zone” from Moltuh to Somtal, and were frequenting that stretch of Indo-Myanmar border.

The Indian Army had reclaimed the area in 2007 when Operation Somtal was launched.
As we proceeded from the ambush site towards Somtal, some 30 km from Paraolon, the vehicle was stopped and barred from going forward at another Indian Army post.

“The road ahead has dangers. We cannot allow further movement,” said a jawan.
16 June 2015

None turn up at second Bru Relief Camp for Verification

Mizoram officials who began camping at Khakchangpara on Monday to verify displaced Brus who want to return home have found none turning up there either.

By Adam Halliday

Aizawl, Jun 16 : Following zero response in Tripura’s Kaskau relief camp, Mizoram officials who began camping at Khakchangpara on Monday to verify displaced Brus who want to return home have found none turning up there either.

Mamit District Deputy Commissioner Vanlalngaihsaka said no one has turned up at the counter set up by a team of officials led by Additional DC Lalbiaksangi at the Khahchangpara relief camp.

The team will, however, remain there till June 18 as planned.

According to the roadmap prepared for the last and final repatriation process for displaced Bru tribals, anyone who wants to return home to Mizoram has to report at the special counters set up at the camps.

If they pass the verification process (to determine whether or not they lived in Mizoram before 1997), the state government would provide transportation for them to return to the state from Tripura and resettle them in selected villages where they will be allotted land and given compensation packages.

None had turned up during the verification process at Kaskau between June 2 and 4, where more than 1100 inmates are on Mizoram’s electoral rolls (a sign they are likely eligible to be repatriated).

Khakchangpara has about 350 adults whose names are on Mizoram’s electoral rolls.

Tens of thousands of Bru tribals fled Mizoram in 1997 following ethnic violence between them and the majority Mizos following the murder of a Mizo official by Bru militants.

In Manipur militancy hub, Myanmar provides what ‘distant’ India doesn’t

By Esha Roy
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Very little has changed in this corner of Ukhrul district in Manipur. Bordering Myanmar, the group of volatile villages in the district’s Chassad subdivision has for decades been a hub of militant activity. With no fence defining the border, the villages of Chassad, Kamjong, Grihang, Ningchao, Nampisha, Phaikoh, Chrokhurnao and Aishi serve as a thoroughfare for militants as well as villagers.

The link between Ukhrul’s villagers and their Myanmarese counterparts is centuries old. Villagers on both sides engage in a flourishing barter trade. “The trade for us is now mainly of wood — prized Burmese teak. In exchange we give them whatever they need — blankets, sewing machines, bicycles,’’ says Chihanphang Keishing of the Tangkhul Naga village of Kamjong.
Kamjong has historically been a stage for war. During the Second World War, in their attempt to capture India, the Japanese had made Kamjong their Indian headquarters. Chihanphang Keishing’s father, Ringshi Keishing, was a leader in Netaji Bose’s Indian National Army. “My father went to Burma and brought the Japanese. He was their guide to Manipur. He escorted them to Kohima,’’ says Keishing, adding the roads today are only marginally better since that war.

It’s easier to go to Myanmar than to some parts of Manipur. Until recently, the villagers would procure even salt or clothes from the other side of the border. The villages are packed between steep hills and thick forests. An elephant will occasionally stray in from Myanmar and be hunted down by villagers for meat. The treacherous terrain makes the area ideal for insurgent camps, many of these a stone’s throw away on the Myanmar side.

But while this area is predominantly Naga, it’s the Meitei valley’s underground groups that hold sway here, primarily UNLF, while MNRF, the Manipur Naga Revolutionary Front, is the other outfit with a significant presence, thanks to its thriving extortion rackets.

Last year, an ambush at the village of Konkram by UNLF killed two civilians. Aishi, 1.5 km from the Myanmarese village of Molvailuk, is a meeting point for many insurgents and UNLF cadre members are known to visit there frequently to gather information about the Indian Army. In the 2012 Manipur assembly elections, a CRPF convoy was ambushed and attacked by insurgents. “Each of these villages has seen ambushes and attacks. The insurgents have specifically targeted Indian security forces. They have declared that their target is not the Manipur police but if they find Manipur police accompanying the Assam Rifles, they will attack them too,” says a senior government official in Ukhrul.

Two months ago, the Kuki village of Chorokhurnao became a bone of contention between India and Myanmar. Villagers had left several years earlier due to alleged harassment by the Myanmarese army. Two months ago, they came back to resettle but were chased away. The issue is now being resolved through diplomatic channels, says a government official. It is this village that is most frequently used by Meitei underground groups to enter India, attack and then retreat into Myanmar.

Kamjong village authority head S D Thomas says violence aside, Kamjong and its surrounding villages are victims of the conflict. “There is an SDO’s office here but the SDO is never there. There is one small hospital but instead of the sanctioned seven doctors, there are only two. The teachers who are supposed to be posted here have sublet their jobs to locals who may or may not be qualified to teach. The government officials who are posted here never come; they are afraid as this region is a known haven of insurgents,” he says.

Thomas says government schemes such as NREGS and PMGSY rarely take off and, even if they do, the projects are never completed because of the amount paid to militant groups from these schemes as extortion. This is true of the rest of Manipur too but the threat here is more potent, with the militants camped at their doorstep.

“It’s a vicious cycle. Development does not take place here because of the insurgency. But it’s the lack of development and road connectivity that has lent such favourable conditions to the insurgents. And India is so far away. As far as India is concerned, we don’t even exist,” says Thomas.
It’s a similar disenfranchisement with India that has earned sympathy for UG groups in the Kuki village of Phaikoh, close to where the Indian Army retaliation against insurgents took place.

“Electricity came to our village in 2005. We have had three years of electricity since. There are no medical facilities. And there is no pharmacy. We go to Myanmar and buy medicines. We get no rations, no funds for roads or any assistance from the state government. We don’t depend on India at all. We depend on Myanmar,” says Phaikoh “minister” Hemkhoshei.

So when UNLF comes and holds “medical camps’’ in the village, bringing their in-house doctor, or distribute medicines in this malaria-infested area, they are more than welcome. “They talk of development, which is more than our state government has ever done for us,’’adds Hemkhoshei.

The Tortuous Road to Naga Peace

Newly recruited young Naga boys with their automatic weapons during the 33rd Republic Day celebration of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) in Nagaland on March 21, 2012. — File Photo: Ritu Raj Konwar

Newly recruited young Naga boys with their automatic weapons during the 33rd Republic Day celebration of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) in Nagaland on March 21, 2012. — File Photo: Ritu Raj Konwar

The publicity that surrounds the success of India’s ‘cross-border’ strike against rebels in Myanmar cannot hide the fact that the real failure of Indian intelligence was not in predicting the possible spot of the ambush but in anticipating the emergence of a rebel coalition in the jungles of Myanmar

After the June 4 ambush in Manipur that left at least 20 soldiers of the Indian Army’s 6 Dogra Regiment dead when suspected militants ambushed their convoy in Chandel district bordering Myanmar in Manipur, and the retaliatory transborder raid into Myanmar by Indian para-commandos (21 Para-Regiment — Special Forces), on June 9, the attention is back on the long, tortuous and uncertain Naga peace process.
Since the leaders of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isaac-Muivah) (NSCN), Thuingaleng Muivah and Issac Chisi Swu, signed the ceasefire with the H.D. Deve Gowda government in 1997 and started negotiations, the peace talks have gone on and on, with round after round of inconclusive negotiations. There were suggestions recently that a final solution might be in sight and that may have provoked those left out of the process into striking back. But the secrecy shrouding the Naga peace process only complicates it further and makes it difficult to speculate on when there will be an end to India’s longest running ethnic insurrection.
Dialogue and division
The sheer duration of these negotiations does point to the complexities involved in trying to settle the Naga insurgency, but many critics of the Indian decision-making process have also suggested that New Delhi is trying to wear down the rebel leaders in a battle of attrition since the limited tactical advantages of keeping the Naga rebels off the battlefield have been achieved by the ceasefire. Some have also said that the ceasefire and the political dialogue have helped India further divide the Naga rebels, pointing to the talks with the Muivah faction and the refusal to talk with the Khaplang faction despite a ceasefire with his group. That, many would say, is what finally provoked Khaplang, a warlord, to renege on the ceasefire and form the rebel coalition, the United National Liberation Front of West South East Asia (UNLFWSEA), with motley rebel factions like the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) (Independent), the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) (Songjibit) and the KLA (Jibon).
Like Khaplang’s faction, these other groups are splinters of the original movements. Their factional rivals are already talking to India and New Delhi treats them as principals. These rebel chieftains who are holed up in the remote jungles of Myanmar’s Sagaing division are treated as marginals. Khaplang was under pressure for the last few years from New Delhi for providing shelter to these other Northeast Indian rebel groups. Home Ministry mandarins insist that this was a breach of trust on the part of Khaplang. But in the 1990s, former Home Minister L.K. Advani had clearly said that Khaplang is a Myanmarese national and that India cannot negotiate with him. While that is a valid position if one were to go by legalese, how can one expect Khaplang to just maintain a ceasefire when he knows that New Delhi will never call him for talks, let alone treat him as an equal to Muivah and Issac? On the other hand, the Myanmarese Naga rebel leader has seen his Indian Naga comrades break away to form splinter groups with whom India has promptly signed or negotiated a ceasefire. First it was Khole Konyak and Khitovi Zhimomi; now it is Wangting and Thikhak. The first faction calls itself NSCN (K-K), while the second calls itself NSCN (Reformation). These factions may now be offered to accept a deal India may have finalised with the Muivah-Issac group in an attempt to make it look like a settlement with all NSCN factions who represent “Indian Nagas”.
Sending out a message

Khaplang on the warpath again is partly dictated by his urge to end his isolation in the jungles of Myanmar, if only to remind New Delhi that he cannot be ignored — a point he seeks to make by getting together all those in the Northeast who still intend to fight India. His one-time comrades, Wangting and Thikhak, blame Paresh Barua, an activist with ULFA, for “manipulating” Khaplang into reneging on the ceasefire. Barua has steadfastly remained on a separatist course even after the ULFA was decimated in Bangladesh after a crackdown by the Sheikh Hasina government and by periodic desertions. So, though the ULFA of today is not much of a fighting force, its leader emerges as the glue for a rebel coalition in Myanmar’s jungles because of his track record of leading an armed struggle through unending adversity. The other factions which have joined up with Khaplang in UNLFWSEA are also motley groups capable of occasional hits here and there. But it is the “working relations” of UNLFWSEA with the powerful Meitei rebel groups like the United National Liberation Front (UNLF) and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) (who have not joined Khaplang’s coalition) that makes the anti-India platform in Myanmar’s jungles such a worrying proposition for New Delhi. Khaplang’s faction admitted in the post-June 4 ambush press release that the other two Meitei groups, KYKL and KCP, had joined his fighters to pull off the ambush in Chandel.
Missing the big picture

So, the real failure of Indian intelligence was not in predicting the possible spot of the ambush but in anticipating the emergence of a rebel coalition in the jungles of Myanmar. The first step in that direction was taken by Khaplang when he signed a truce with Myanmar’s Thein Sein government, one of the 14 rebel groups in Myanmar to strike a ceasefire deal with it. Having secured that ceasefire, Khaplang has ensured that his bases in Sagaing will be protected from the occasional raids by the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army). Even after the attacks on Indian forces by Khaplang’s fighters in the last two months, the Myanmar government has not broken off the truce with his faction. For the Myanmarese Army which has to battle half-a-dozen powerful home-grown insurgencies at any given point of time, tackling the Kachin or the Kokang guerrillas is a bigger priority, not Khaplang. After the June 9 raid by India, Paresh Barua reiterated that his rebel coalition had “not faced any problems in Myanmar so far”. The second phase of forming that coalition was in extensive negotiations between the constituents. Now, reports about these negotiations have been trickling out of Myanmar off and on. They have been reported in the Northeast Indian media but not picked by the big media guns in faraway Delhi. This is what Indian intelligence seems to have largely missed out. The way the fighters of Khaplang slowly trickled out of their Indian camps in the rundown to the breakdown of the ceasefire was completely missed, despite alerts sounded to Indian intelligence by factional rivals. Then came the actual breakdown of the ceasefire but New Delhi was not concerned because it felt the Myanmarese Naga rebel leader had been isolated and confined to his lair in the jungles of Myanmar. They underestimated his strike power on Indian soil.
The Indian response
The Indian reply after the rebel violence has also been hasty and ill-conceived. The Indian Army was under pressure from top decision makers to hit back immediately, to make a political point of a “strong India which will not tolerate terrorism”. The Indian Army chief, General Dalbir Singh Suhag, was keen on striking back, but after careful planning. Under pressure, all that he could do was to plan two hits on rebel bases on the border or slightly inside it. These locations were chosen not because they had a lot of rebel fighters but because these were rebel bases and could be hit with smaller forces to make a political point that India will go after its enemies. The raids have made much less of an actual impact than was initially suggested by an gung-ho media, joined by a battery of retired soldiers and security officials baying for rebel blood.
The Nagaland Chief Minister, T.R. Zeliang, made a telling point in a recent interview when he said that the Centre has never kept his government in the picture over the breakdown of the ceasefire with Khaplang. Mr. Zeliang said it was possible to have reasoned with Khaplang through Naga civil society against breaking off the ceasefire. After 60 years of brutal conflict, the Nagas have got used to the peace dividend since 1997. Naga civil society groups, which have grown in stature, have ensured that the rebels do not go back to the jungles even if they were upset with the long, unending negotiations with India. Mr. Zeliang thus made a telling point — using the doves of peace to fight the dogs of war. But involving the States in the complex peace negotiations like those with the Naga rebel factions is yet to become a feature of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s “cooperative federalism”. He is yet to get over the hush-hush hangover of his Congress predecessors when it comes to peacemaking with underground rebel groups. As the leaks after the transborder raids into Myanmar seem to indicate, the government is keen on greater secrecy in peacemaking than in war-making.
(Subir Bhaumik, a former BBC Correspondent, is the author of the books on the Northeast, Insurgent Crossfire and Troubled Periphery.)
15 June 2015

Talks With UPF Militant Groups Upgraded To Political Level: Mizoram CM Zoramthanga


Aizawl, Jun 15
: With the signing of ceasefire between the centre and the eight Mizo insurgent groups under the banner of United People's Front (UPF) on Tuesday last, the talks with the groups was ungraded to political level from official level, according to former Mizoram chief minister Zoramthanga.

Zoramthanga, who was present in Delhi during the signing of the Suspension of Operations (SoO) told PTI here today that delays in peace talks between the centre and the ethnic Mizo militant groups was harming mutual trusts between the two sides.

"Years have passed after signing SoO earlier, but without any formal parleys," he said, adding that the groups did not sign SoO during the last nine months making the situation explosive in the north east", he said.

The former revolutionary leader said that he helped in brokering peace between the groups and the government of India without actually participating in the talks.

He said that his main role was to create mutual trust between the groups and the centre, lacking due to prolonged hostilities between the two sides.

"I did not want to be called as interlocutor or as any official mediator as my main role was to build mutual trust between the two sides," he said.

The UPF constituents were the Kuki National Front (KNF), Zomi Revolutionary Army (ZRO), Kuki Revolutionary Army (United), Zomi Defence Force (ZDF), United Kuki Liberation Front (UKLF), Kuki Revolutionary Front (KRF), Zomi Defence Volunteers (ZDV) and Hmar People's Convention (Democrats), he said.

The militant groups headed by UPF chairman S T Thangboi were represented by leaders of the groups while the centre was represented by Ministry of Home Affairs officials headed by Sambhu Singh, joint secretary (north east) of the MHA.

Earlier, Zoramthanga, went to Myanmar and Bangkok two times to broker peace between the Myanmar government and 17 ethnic-based insurgent groups in that country.

UID: The Runaway Families of Mizoram

The Mizos of Tamu went out of their way, the group says, to ensure they were not jailed and a formal case was not registered. It helped that the elected representative of Tamu was, till his recent demise, a Mizo. The local Mizos also bargained with the authorities to be allowed to feed the detained group

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By the late 1980s, Tlangsam, a village of around 400 families, had come to be known as the home of the religious sect ‘God’s Church’ that feared a giant rock would roll down from the east and cause great destruction (Source: Express photo by Adam Halliday)

By Adam Halliday
UID number was that of the anti-Christ, they thought, and a war and an unexplained darkness were coming. 19 people from Mizoram set off on a 200-km trek across mountains to Myanmar, fuelled by this faith rather than reason — and found love at the end. ADAM HALLIDAY retraces the journey. Photographs by ADAM HALLIDAY

The district
A 3,185 sq km district with a population of around 1 lakh, Champhai has a special place in Mizoram. It is said the history of Mizos starts from Champhai and ends in Champhai. The town is also a fast developing venue on the Indo-Myanmar border. The World Bank is currently financing the building of a four-lane highway between the border village and Champhai town.

A problem
A UIDAI drive is currently on in Champhai district. The 19 — members of one extended family — belong to Tlangsam village of the district. An official said members of ‘God’s Church’ sect of Tlangsam have largely refused to be enrolled. An earlier round had been able to enroll just over 38% of the district’s population and left out as many as 30 villages.

The trek
The Chin Hills of Myanmar, which the group wandered through, is an area of ridges and deep river gorges similar to the hills of Mizoram or Nagaland, only higher in elevation at between 2,000 and 3,000 metres above sea level. Much of the region is thickly forested. Any kind of road winds around these ridges. The 19 largely stayed off roads.

They left after day had given way to night, a small band of 19 men, women and children looking east for refuge, from what they feared was an impending doom.

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Maduhlaia plays with Rammawii’s children (Source: Express photo by Adam Halliday)


They knew not what cloak doom would don or when it would arrive, but the scanning of eyes for the Aadhaar scheme, they apprehended, was the start. So they fled. Urgently. Secretly. In silence. Convinced their destination would be revealed to them.

It was on March 15 that they left their village Tlangsam, trekking and taking lifts over dense forests and mountains to cover, as the crowflies, 200 km. It was on June 3 that they were returned home — escorted by Myanmarese authorities.

Last week, this was the Myanmar story you didn’t hear about.

R L Hmachhuana, who is in his early 50s, was once part of the same religious sect as the 19 in Tlangsam, a village that borders Myanmar. A decade ago, he parted ways.

But while mainstream Church organisations in Mizoram have been saying for years that the UID (the Unique Identification Authority of India scheme) is not something to be feared, Hmachhuana isn’t surprised his children and sister, their families and the others left like they did.

“In all of history, there has never been an identification project for citizens that is linked with the power to buy and sell. UID is the only one where your entitlements like rations and everything else are linked to your number, just like the prophecy says of the anti-Christ’s number,” he says.

myanmar, myanmar strike, Army’s Myanmar strike, Myanmar cross-border strike, Myanmar ops, Champhai, Mizoram, Mizoram myanmar, Chin Hills of Myanmar, Mizoram Nagaland, Myanmarese authorities, india news, nation news, news Two of the children who went on the trek back home (Source: Express photo by Adam Halliday) “Some people argue that the Bible says the number will be on the forehead, but the original Greek word means the upper portion of a human face,” Hmachhuana adds, referring to the iris scan under UID. “That includes the eyes.”

Hmachhuana’s sister Lawmzuali lives with her son in a house about 10 minutes away on foot, beside the main road that enters Tlangsam.

“We felt a calling in our hearts that we must flee. We feared the coming of the darkness and the foretold troubles, and we left. It was not particularly the UID, but a combination of all the signs of the end of days,” she says.

The group included her husband, a 70-year-old man who had suffered a stroke and who sometimes could not recognise family members, as well as Hmachhuana’s daughter Rammawii with her three-year-old son, his sons with their families including three children, a close family friend and one pregnant woman.

They carried a change of clothes and food that was only enough to tide them over a couple of days.
At the head of the group was Lawmzuali, 50, who was entrusted with their entire savings of Rs 3,000.
In the beginning was Lalzawna. An erstwhile member of the Mizo National Front, he moved with the front into East Pakistan in the early years, and then to Myanmar’s Arakan region. In 1971, he claimed to have “received” a message that said, “You will take part in a boat race, but your boat will be different from the boats that others row.”

myanmar, myanmar strike, Army’s Myanmar strike, Myanmar cross-border strike, Myanmar ops, Champhai, Mizoram, Mizoram myanmar, Chin Hills of Myanmar, Mizoram Nagaland, Myanmarese authorities, india news, nation news, news “We felt a calling in our hearts that we must flee. We feared the coming of the foretold troubles,” says Lawmzuali. The 50-year-old led the group and was entrusted with their entire savings of Rs 3,000 (Source: Express photo by Adam Halliday) Eight years later, he began preaching a message of “cleansing the flesh” in the insurgent camps. He returned to Mizoram soon after and began travelling to spread  his beliefs.

By 1984, he had moved with followers into Tlangsam and established the ‘God’s Church’ sect. Some say Lalzawna’s followers numbered more than 400 families and swamped the 50-odd families who made up the original residents.

Soon Tlangsam came to be known locally as the home of the religious sect that feared a giant rock would roll down from the east and cause great destruction.

Hmachhuana again has an explanation. He had left his hometown Kolasib near Assam to join the ‘God’s Church’ but abandoned it a decade ago with his kin apparently due to “administrative problems”.

Hmachhuana, who makes a living as a carpenter and farmer and who occasionally works at a saw mill in his yard, says he and his kin still continue to believe they are the descendants of Ephraim, the patriarch of the 10th tribe of Israel.

They also believe in the likelihood of a fierce war between the armies of the east and west. Sitting in his tin-roofed wooden house, Hmachhuana interprets the same as a war between the armies of China and India, with Mizoram emerging as an independent country.

They see as well the coming of an unexplained “darkness” that would destroy and create a new land, and UID as the number of the Biblical anti-Christ that all “doomed humans” would sport either on their forehead or right wrists.

The group of 19 headed for the Tiau river first when they left home around 7 pm on March 15. The river, which in some places is no more than a wide stream, serves as the international border with Myanmar, with no fencing along it. When they got tired, they rested in the wilderness near Khawzim, a border village.

The next morning, they say, they just waded across the Tiau into Myanmar. And then walked further in to Tuidil village. When night fell, they slept on the village’s outskirts, in a small abandoned hut.
myanmar, myanmar strike, Army’s Myanmar strike, Myanmar cross-border strike, Myanmar ops, Champhai, Mizoram, Mizoram myanmar, Chin Hills of Myanmar, Mizoram Nagaland, Myanmarese authorities, india news, nation news, news Hmachhuana, whose children, grandkids made the trek, is clear the Bible links eyes to anti-Christ’s number (Source: Express photo by Adam Halliday)

It had been just two days, but their food supply was already running out. Worried for the first time, they also realised the money on them might prove inadequate. Hmachhuana’s dog, a large mongrel, had followed the group from Tlangsam, refusing to be shooed away. At Tuidil, they sold it for the equivalent of 2,000 Indian rupees.

By then Lawmzuali’s husband Zonghinglova, the oldest in the group, had begun showing signs of weariness. When he fell ill, the young men took turns carrying him on their backs. Lawmzuali remembers he resisted this forcefully.

Zonghinglova had initially been sprightly, “the one most excited” about the journey, she adds. “After a few days, he started feeling weak. But he would keep saying he felt weaker when anyone carried him, and insisted on walking.”

From Tuidil they kept going and reached Lentlang, proceeding onwards to Laitui. Now approximately 22 km from the border, they said, they reached a settlement of largely ethnic Mizos.
Lawmzuali admits they didn’t know where they were going, or had any idea of the terrain they were crossing. The Chin Hills of Myanmar, where the group would continue to wander about, is an area of ridges and deep river gorges similar to the hills of Mizoram or Nagaland but higher in elevation, between 2,000 and 3,000 metres above sea level.

Much of the region is thickly forested. Any kind of road winds around these ridges. The 19 rarely took one.

They pressed on, they say, in the belief that a supernatural presence “would show them the way”.
“Once we found ourselves at a fork in the road. Maduhlaia, who was walking in the front, turned around and called to me, ‘Aunty, which way are we supposed to go?’. So I told him, ‘You go wherever it seems suitable’. I prayed, and after I was done praying, he had made up his mind and said, ‘I’m going this way!’. And so we all went,”  Lawmzuali says.

Just before they reached Laitui in the Chin region, a band of Myanmarese traders offered them a lift. The women, children and the elderly got on. The eight young men kept walking, and the group reunited at Run. They made a halt a little distance from the small town, sleeping in the open.
As they resumed their journey the next day and headed towards Falam township more than 40 km to the south, a truck came by and the driver asked if they wanted a ride. “So we all got on. The driver asked us where we were going, and I asked him in return which way he was going. He said Tahan. So I said we’re also going to Tahan,” says Rammawii, Hmachhuana’s daughter.

The group isn’t clear what route they took from Tahan, knowing little about the towns and villages they crossed on foot.

Around three days later, they found themselves close to the international border where Manipur meets Myanmar. By now they had ventured roughly 200 km from home. Some men — the group suspects they may have been Manipuri or Naga rebels based in Myanmar — told them the area was unsafe and took them to a village populated by the Thado community. They believe it was called Usu, located anything between 10 and 15 km from Tamu town, the site of an official Indo-Myanmar border crossing.

The story of the incredible journey was about to draw to a close.

The Mizos living in Tamu heard about a group from Mizoram being found in the area, and went to get them. Soon the news spread, and Myanmar police and immigration officials descended on Tamu to interrogate the 19 about out where they had come from and why.

The group was interrogated for an entire night, and then put under a sort of house arrest. The 19 say the building seemed to be a school. By then, a week had passed since they had fled Tlangsam.
The Mizos of Tamu went out of their way, the group says, to ensure they were not jailed and a formal case was not registered. It helped that the elected representative of Tamu was, till his recent demise, a Mizo. The local Mizos also bargained with the authorities to be allowed to feed the detained group.
However, there was a little trouble soon. “It was warm and the children drank a lot of water. Us, too. We kept needing to relieve ourselves, and we kept dispersing since we weren’t locked up. The guards would tell us to stay put but we didn’t understand their language,” giggles Rammawii.

The group was next put in two lock-ups, women and children in one, men in the other, separated by a thin wall — a large holding area they describe as about 50 ft by 20 ft each, also holding locals detained for petty crimes. “Wide enough for the children to race around in, which they did all the time,” says Rammawii.

On the afternoon of March 27, V L Chama Hnamte, president of the Champhai district sub-headquarters of the Young Mizo Association, was working on some child abuse related cases (he is also the chairman of the district’s child protection committee) in Champhai town when he received a call from an unfamiliar number. Champhai is sprawled on a Mizoram hill just across a vast stretch of picturesque rice fields from Tlangsam, and the Young Mizo Association is the state’s largest community-based organisation.

The caller identified himself as Lalchatuana, leader of the Tamu Mizo Thalai Pawl, a youth group of Tamu Mizos. As V L Chama listened with increasing amazement, Lalchatuana told him about the group of Mizos from Tlangsam who had found their way into Tamu and been detained by police and immigration officials. Lalchatuana said they were trying to secure their release and were making sure they received adequate food.

A large, energetic man, V L Chama immediately made his way to Tlangsam and located Hmachhuana. The man with answers to most questions told V L Chama he too had just come to know of his relatives being detained in Myanmar, and had no idea what to do.

“He told me he was surprised the group had reached that far, that he had assumed they would live in the forest along the international border and come back after they had got over their fears,” says V L Chama.

Back at Tamu, the detention of the 19 continued. But the group’s memories of this time are of kindness, not hardship.

A police officer they named the “lord” because he had three stars on his uniform and was evidently the highest-ranking officer there took “very good care of us”, says Lawmzuali. “Every day he would come to the cell and have the children examined for any kind of fever or illness. He was especially mindful of the pregnant woman among us. He made sure she got soup regularly, and got her examined very often.”

The Mizos of Tamu also kept up a steady stream of food supplies, including rice, vegetables and, at least once a week, meat. The food was prepared by the cook on orders from the “lord”.

The officer also made sure that enough water was kept in the cells, though that led to a minor problem. As the days and nights were warm, the 19 would often sneak out for a quick bath even at night. The officer cut down their water supply after that, telling them through a translator that the children would fall sick if they continued.

Some Mizos would visit them almost daily, buying them cigarettes from nearby shops and passing these along with the help of guards. “Very often the guards themselves would come to check on us,” says Rammawii.

She christened one of the guards, an officer with a star on his uniform, “Boxer” because, as she recalls, he punched several of his juniors after some inmates complained of verbal abuse.
Around the end of May, Lawmzuali’s husband Zonghinglova’s condition got worse. A doctor diagnosed internal bleeding and he was kept in the infirmary. His wife was allowed to tend to him.
On May 22 night, he passed away.

Lawmzuali says she won’t forget what followed. “I and my relatives, the Tamu Mizos, the guards and even the ‘lord’ gathered around the body and we put on gloves and masks and cleaned him up. I thought to myself, ‘He is my husband’, and I took off the gloves and touched him with my bare hands. When the ‘lord’ saw that, he also took off his gloves and helped me get him into new cloths for the burial.”

A CD containing video clips of the funeral and burial, given to the group by the Tamu Mizos, shows the ceremony, with the group gathering around the coffin and the guards and other officials looking distraught.

A convoy of 10-odd SUVs emblazoned with official symbols acted as the funeral party as the coffin was transported to a Mizo cemetery some distance away. Several officials can be seen in the funeral video. Lawmzuali remembers one as the town’s administrative head and another as the widow of Tahan legislator D Thangliana.

Lawmzuali recalls the officials telling her later, “As is your community’s custom, you will one day wish to return and erect a headstone on your husband’s grave. We will host you as family.”
V L Chama had kept in touch with Lalchatuana since that March 27 call. On May 23, he received another call from across the border. The Tlangsam group had been released, he was told, and they would be coming home soon.

On June 3 at 7 am, they arrived with an escort of Myanmar officials and police and four Mizo leaders at the border crossing near Zokhawthar village. V L Chama and his colleagues along with Champhai District Deputy Commissioner H Lalengmawia were there to receive them.

“I am truly amazed the Mizos of Myanmar did everything they could to get these people back home. An international border might separate us but Mizos this side and that are bonded by the spirit of Tlawmngaihna,” Lalengmawia said, receiving the group, referring to the traditional Mizo code that puts the community above individuals.

Says V L Chama, “I have been asking myself how we would treat a group of Myanmar nationals if they found themselves in the same situation… What the Tamu Mizos told me more than once was how surprised they were that the authorities did not even register a formal case, simply detained (the 19) in a lock-up. They said that was unprecedented.”

By the evening of June 3, the group was back in Tlangsam.

Since then, the children have gone back to school, while the adults are again working in their fields or at Hmachhuana’s small saw mill.

At her son’s home in Tlangsam, where she lives, Lawmzuali stares out the window as she contemplates the events of the past three months.

After a silence of a few minutes, she says, “I buried my husband there. Maybe we were heading for the place of his death and his grave all along. He was the most excited among us about the journey. It must have been God’s will. My heart is at peace.”

Last Chance For Brus, Slipping Away

The process of repatriation of displaced Bru tribals from Tripura to Mizoram that began in 2010 is set to be wound up. But like earlier attempts, this phase too has seen little success.

Bru tribals, Mizoram, Bru National Liberation Front, BNLF militants, Mizoram Police, bru tripura, india news, indian express news Displaced Bru tribals return home to Mizoram from relief camps in Tripura during the 2013 repatriation process.

By Adam Halliday

When and why were the Bru tribals of Mizoram displaced?
On October 21, 1997, militants of the Bru National Liberation Front (BNLF) murdered a forest official in Mizoram, triggering a wave of retaliatory ethnic violence from the Mizos. The Bru National Union or BNU, then the tribe’s apex political body which was demanding an autonomous tribal district, claimed 1,391 Bru houses in 41 villages were burned down and several people were raped and killed. Mizoram Police put the number of homes torched at 325 in 16 villages, and confirmed no rape or murders. Over 30,000 Brus fled to six relief camps in Tripura — Bru leaders blamed the violence, but the official and unofficial narrative in Mizoram remains that the tribals were instigated by the BNLF and BNU. The refugees lived on rations, with few avenues of employment, education and health facilities, and no entitlement to agricultural or other land.

When did the repatriation process of the displaced tribals begin?
For years, Tripura pushed Mizoram to resettle the displaced tribals. The repatriation process began in 2010, and has been monitored and financed by the union Home Ministry. Displaced Bru families willing to return have been identified and, after verified as having lived in Mizoram before 1997, handed rehabilitation packages, and resettled in the villages they had left. Where that was impossible, they were put in the nearest settlement — or at least, within the same assembly constituency.
map
How successful has the process been?
In November 2009, Bru militants killed a Mizo teenager at Bungthuam village just across the river from Tripura, in an act that was officially seen as an attempt to derail the planned repatriation. Fresh ethnic violence followed, and scores of Bru families fled Mizoram. When the repatriation process did start, however, among the first to return was Elvis Chorkhy, then the tallest leader among relief-camp Brus, who has, along with other leaders, assisted Mizoram in the process ever since. However, despite six formal phases of repatriation having been completed, fewer than 700 of the roughly 5,500 families believed to live in the camps have returned. This is because relief camp leaders have consistently opposed the process — sometimes by organising dharnas and roadblocks — demanding a bigger rehabilitation package and changes in resettlement provisions, and arguing that some of those who have returned have not got the land they were promised. Fears have been expressed for returnees’ security — even though, despite occasional tensions, there has been no violence. Significantly, over 1,000 families have left the camps on their own.
Why is the current repatriation process especially significant?
Mizo groups have been upset over the perceived negative publicity the Bru issue has brought. Matters came to a head before last year’s Lok Sabha elections — more than 11,000 Brus have voting rights in Mizoram, even though, Mizo groups allege, they have refused to return. A statewide bandh was called in April 2014, which helped speed up matters. In January 2015, the Home Ministry, Tripura and Mizoram agreed to a final round of repatriation, with the condition that any Brus who still refused to return would be removed from Mizoram’s electoral rolls, and rations and relief to them would be stopped. A roadmap was prepared, which was accepted by the Social Justice Bench of the Supreme Court, which is hearing a bunch of petitions related to the case. The final repatriation process began on June 2.

Where does the repatriation process stand at the moment?
Mizoram officials set up counters in Kaskau relief camp — the camp closest to Mizoram — and invited any Brus wanting to return home to come for verification. The officials waited three days, but no one turned up. The Mizoram government has said officials will now visit the Khakchangpara relief camp from June 15, and then move forward, camp by camp.

Why is the Bru repatriation experience significant?
It probably shows the difference in the ways different displaced populations are treated in India. Several other Northeast tribal groups fleeing ethnic violence have escaped being confined to relief camps, and the displaced Brus have been seeking relief on par with Kashmiri Pandits and the Sri Lankan Tamils refugees. The Brus have been in their camps for a generation, but their story remains unknown in most of India. The halting repatriation process has lessons for the handling of possible future displacement crises and resettlement efforts.

No Sign of Life in This Manipur Village

Assam Rifles personnel to carryout counter insurgency operation in a remote location of Chandel district . DEEPAK OINAMBy Ratnadip Choudhury
Life after ambush: Ever since attack, people have fled in hundreds

Tucked in between dense gurgles and undulating hillocks, Paraolon is now almost a ghost village.

Chandel (Manipur), Jun 15 : The spell of staccato of fire is still in the air; on June 4 just at stone throw distance from this remote village in Manipur’s Chandel district, a joint action unit of militants groups from the North-East ambushed troopers from 6 Dogra regiment who were passing their village as a part of their de-induction.

The attack left 18 Indian Army Jawans dead. The Army claims to have carried out at at least two clinical strikes and inflicted significant casualities.

Now what remain in Paraolon is a heavily armed security picket, domestic animals loitering around without food and with no signs of the local villagers. Ever since the attack they have fled in hundreds, Ten days have elapsed, yet not a single person has returned back to the village.

When journalists reached them on Sunday, some 30 km away in Ralringkhu village near Chandel town, they rubbished government and security agencies claims that confidence building measures are being taken in the border villages on the Indo-Myanmar border in Manipur. Paraolon villagers have raised serious security concerns and not a single villager have gone back to their village, since they apprehend’ threat to their lives.

“You have been the first media to find us out. We have been watching in TV so many new things about the militants and the Army counter attack, but no one is bothering about us. We fled in one cloth. Infact most of the villagers were in Chandel owing to the June 1 ADC polls. We had to cast our vote since there was an independent candidate from our village. While over 200 people were in Chandel, only 10 remained in the village when the attach took place. They came here the next day.

We have tried to reach out to the government asking for more security but to our dismay the government did not sent any official to us. The Army and the Assam Rifles never came. Even media went on reporting that we have started moving back, while the reality is that we are in deep fear and apprehend fresh attacks,” said village chief of Paraolon ADC village James Dilbung.

Officially Paraolon has a population of 412 people, but at any given time only 200 odd people live there since oters remains out of the village in search of work and education. Inhabited by the Lamkang Naga tribe, the village has very basic infrastructure. It takes them sometimes two hours to reach the district headquarter in Chandel town, electricity is almost never available and the village Public Healthcare centre (PHC) only has one nurse assigned who comes only once or twice a year. 

The village is dependent on Jhum (shifting cultivation), cutting firewood from the forest and fishing for a living.

Paraolon is the last Naga inhabited village near the Indo-Myanmar border, the border being about 25 Km away. After Paraolon, the village till the international border is dominated by the Kuki tribe. In fact this is not the first time Paraolon has seen violence.

“On April 15, 1993, during the Kuki-Naga ethnic clashes, our village was attacked by suspected Kuki militants. The entire village was torched, 5 people died in that attack. At that time the Manipur government did not help us, this time around the government even does not bother where we are,” says village elder S K Larsing, Many, who lost their houses in 1993, have once again been forced to take shelter in other villages and they fear more attack.