Author Malsawmi Jacob was in high school when the independence
movement in the future state of Mizoram began in 1966. Her father, an
army subedar
stationed in the hill town of Shillong, now in the state of Meghalaya,
predicted at the time that ordinary people would bear the brunt of an
armed conflict. He was right.
The two-decade-long revolt by the Mizo National Front (MNF) would lead the Indian government to use war planes
against its own citizens for the first time. A “grouping” policy was
introduced where villages were burned and civilians herded to guarded
centres so that people would be unable to shelter insurgents.
The rebels signed a peace accord with the government in 1986, and
Mizoram came to be known as an “island of peace”, unlike neighbouring
northeastern states like Manipur, Nagaland and Assam where militant
violence continues. But Bangalore-based Jacob, whose new novel “Zorami”
tells the story of a girl in the backdrop of the “disturbance”, said
for many people who suffered during the insurgency, the pain remains.
Sixty-two-year-old Jacob, perhaps the only Mizo author to have
published a novel in English, spoke about why she decided to write about
the “ram buai” (disturbance in the land), and why she thinks the
decision of the Mizo rebels to take up arms was a mistake.
Q: Why did you decide to write a novel with the insurgency as a backdrop? A: We were staying in Guwahati in 2002, where I used to contribute
to regional news publications. Mizoram was often described as an “island
of peace”. I thought about the hardships we (Mizos) went through, and I
started wondering how the people from that period are coping
emotionally. I wanted to find out.
So in 2004, I travelled to places like Aizawl and Lunglei (towns in
Mizoram) and interviewed people who were somehow involved with the
insurgency. I asked them to describe their experiences during that
period. And it was worse than what I thought. The Mizo people’s hearts
have still not healed… I wanted to take a literary approach in
describing what I discovered. So I started attempting to turn it into a
novel.
Q: Who did you talk to during your research?
A: Those who experienced the disturbance. Some people are well known
like Pu James Dokhuma and Rev. LN Ralte. They were part of those who
started the peace process so they were well known. I also talked to my
own relatives, some of whom have spent time in jail. And some others I
met at random in places of gathering, like at a mourner’s house (in Mizo society, whenever someone dies, relatives and people in the society gather for days to mourn) where I asked people to share their experiences. I also read a few books where people documented their experience.
Q: How much truth is there in the events that you described in the book?
A: The backbone is based on real incidents. I just embellished it with my imagination.
Q: You said people are still hurting? A: Our suffering was so much. Atrocities committed were so much that
we still can’t forget it, and our heart still aches. There are a few,
the more hardcore ones, who are still talking about whether we should
renew the fight for independence.
Q: Did you personally experience the insurgency period? A: I didn’t because we were outside the state. I was in high school
when the disturbance started. My father used to lament about it and
often said the people will suffer because of the uprising.
Q: Apart from some short story books and poems, I haven’t seen any
novel written by a Mizo author in English. What do you think is the
state of Mizo literature? A: I think there still isn’t enough depth when it comes to Mizo
literature. We still have some way to go. It’s beginning to look good –
book releases have increased, and writers are also increasing, but we
need to improve the quality of work.
Q: Do you think the armed uprising was necessary? A: My personal opinion is violence should not have been used at all.
We were unhappy with the Indian government, the Assam government (present-day Mizoram was then a district of Assam),
and it was necessary to show it. But taking up arms was a big mistake
because we suffered so much. And for the people who lost their fathers
and mothers, who lost their children, no outcome really mattered. We
should have fought with peaceful means, according to me.
Q: Was the protagonist Zorami used as a metaphor for the Mizos –
their suffering and the influence of the church and spirituality in
their culture? A: Yes, I used the name Zorami deliberately to describe the Mizo people. I also used her as a symbol. (“Zoram” is a term of endearment used to describe Mizoram; “i” denotes the name is that of a female)
Like her, we suffered because of the disturbance, but we can be
healed through God – not symbolic worshipping at church etc but
achieving peace through an individual discovery of God. That’s what I
wanted to show, and what I believe in.
New Delhi, May 26 : The Supreme Court has rejected the Mizoram government’s special leave petition against a lower court’s order that the Anti-Corruption Bureau investigate alleged misappropriation of funds in the construction of two mini hydel projects in south Mizoram.
The SC’s dismissal of the government’s plea paves the way for the anti-graft agency to finally begin a probe into an alleged scam the government first allowed and later retracted, a move the Gauhati High Court has termed “enigmatic”.
The People’s Right to Information and Development Implementing Society of Mizoram, or PRISM, had in October 2008 filed an FIR against the state’s Power and Electricity Department (P&E) which constructed the two mini hydel projects.
The complaint pointed out that the estimate for the Tuipanglui mini hydel project rose from Rs 980 lambs in 1992 to Rs 3721 lakhs by 2001 (an almost four-fold escalation over less than a decade), while that for the Kau-Tlabung mini hydel project rose from Rs 482 lakhs in 1994 to Rs 3253 lakhs in 2001 (an almost seven-fold escalation over seven years).
The ACB conducted a preliminary enquiry and found that 13 government engineers led by the then Engineer-in charge of the Mizoram Public Works Department caused a loss of Rs 1.75 crores to the state exchequer while building the two hydel projects.
The ACB conducted two more enquiries following calls for clarification by the Vigilance Department, but each time the agency made out prima-facie cases of corruption.
Finally the Vigilance Department in May 2010 gave the ACB the green light to register criminal cases against 16 government engineers from both the state PWD and P&E departments. Less than two months later, however, the Vigilance Department withdrew the permission. PRISM took the government to court over the withdrawing of the permission, but the government argued neither the CAG, the Public Accounts Committee under the state legislature nor a departmental enquiry found cases of misappropriation.
The Gauhati HC however questioned the Vigilance Department action of cancelling the permission for an ACB investigation and doubted the exact extent the other bodies cited by the government during the case arguments might have gone to during their own enquiries. It passed an order that the ACB proceed with the investigation and wind up the case by September this year.
Interestingly, the Mizoram government to hired seven lawyers and approached the SC against the High Court order. The three-judge bench headed by CJI H L Dattu however dismissed the petition saying it is not inclined to interfere with the High Court order.
Mizoram has seen eight governors of the state in last ten months.
Lt.Gen (retd) Nirbhay Sharma arrives at Lengpui airport, where he
was received by officials led by Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla. (Source:
DIPR)
By Adam Halliday
Aizawl, May 26 : Former Arunachal Pradesh Governor Lt.Gen (retd) Nirbhay Sharma
arrived in Aizawl on Monday, a day before he is scheduled to be sworn in
as the state’s eighth Governor in ten months.
Sharma was greeted at the airport by officials led by Mizoram Chief
Minister Lal Thanhawla. He arrived with his wife, daughter and
mother-in-law.
The frequent changes in the incumbents of the Raj Bhjavan at Aizawl
has caused many controversy in Mizoram, with political and student
leaders condemning the state being used as a “dumping ground” of
UPA-appointed Governors the BJP-led government wants to sideline or force out of office.
When President Mukherjee visited the state in April, he was greeted
by students sporting posters protesting the frequent changes and were
seen draped in traditional shawls of mourning.
Guwahati, May 25 : Improving connectivity of the North East region will be the
key agenda of the Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his ensuing visit
to Bangladesh as the Government of India has come to the conclusion that
connectivity through the neighbouring country is a must for the
development of the region.
Highly placed sources in the Government of India said
that the Prime Minister is very clear in his mind on the issue of
improving connectivity of the North East. “The Prime Minister is of the
view that geographic remoteness is the root cause of underdevelopment of
North East and there is urgent need for improving connectivity for the
all round development of the region,” sources said.
Sources
pointed out that improving relations with Bangladesh and transit through
that country is vital for the development of North East and that is
why, this would be the key issue for discussion during Modi's scheduled
visit to Dhaka early next month. The Government of Bangladesh has
already allowed on principle to allow India the use of Chittagong port.
But the modalities would have to be finalized before India gets access
to the port.
Sources pointed out that the use of Chittagong Port
would open up a host of opportunity for the North East. Lack of sea
connectivity was one of the major problems faced by the region since
Independence and this issue would be taken up by Modi during his visit.
The Government of India has already started working on road connectivity
of North East with the South East Asian countries. But land
connectivity depends on several key factors like the rough terrain,
particularly in Myanmar.
“Moreover, we do not know how the political and
security situation in Myanmar will develop in the days to come. If
something goes wrong in Myanmar, the road connectivity between the North
East and the South East Asian countries will be badly affected. In such
a scenario, the use of Chittagong Port will come very handy,” sources
added.
Moreover, sources said that at this moment, the North East
is connected with the rest of the country only by a chicken neck
corridor in North Bengal, it in turn has affected movement of goods to
the region and resulted in escalation of prices. Use of the Chittagong
Port and water ways through Bangladesh will ease out this problem to a
great extent. Moreover, the road transit facilities through Bangladesh
will also be immensely beneficial for the North East and the Prime
Minister will take up these issues with his Bangladesh counterpart in
his visit.
Sources further pointed out that maintaining good
relation with Bangladesh does not have much economic relevance to the
rest of the country. But it is vital in the perspective of the North
East region if the region has to see economic growth.
The
LADC is an autonomous tribal district under the sixth schedule of the
Indian Constitution, and is located in Mizoram's southern periphery
bordering Bangladesh and Myanmar.
By Adam Halliday
A local court has given permission for Mizoram’s
Anti-Corruption Bureau to proceed with criminal investigation against
the Chief Executive Member of the Lai Autonomous District Council (LADC)
and five others for allegedly siphoning off several crores of rupees
meant for teachers’ salaries, including those of ghost teachers.
The LADC is an autonomous tribal district under the sixth schedule of
the Indian Constitution, and is located in Mizoram’s southern periphery
bordering Bangladesh and Myanmar.
The Aizawl District court gave its assent to the ACB on Thursday
after the anti-graft agency submitted it’s premilinary enquiry showing
at least Rs 3.19 crores in teachers’ salaries were siphoned off by the
District Education Officer, a teacher working as a cashier in his office
and two leaders of the district’s teachers’ association, who
purportedly also gave Rs 21 lakhs of their loot to CEM V Zirsanga.
According to the preliminary enquiry report submitted to the court, a copy of which is with The Indian Express,
DEO Lalduna Chinzah withdrew salaries for more than a hundred teachers
worth Rs 1.33 crores in spite of the same already being withdrawn
earlier.
Chinzah had also issued Last Pay Ceritifcates for 41 teaching and non-teaching staff who had never been employed by the LADC.
The DEO also withdrew salaries for two ghost teachers which amounts to at least Rs 13 lakhs.
Meanwhile, salaries of three real teachers worth a total of more than
Rs 16 lakhs was also withdrawn but the money never reached the trio.
The ACB’s inquiry says at least four others benefitted from the
siphoning of funds besides the DEO, who allegedly pocketed more than Rs
73 lakhs.
It says N C Muankima and C Lalchawiliana, respectively the president
and secretary of the district’s Middle School Teachers’ Association,
took at least Rs 53 lakhs between themselves and of this handed over Rs
21 lakhs to CEM V Zirsanga.
The teacher cum cashier in the DEO’s office Ramengzauva meanwhile is alleged to have gotten Rs 30 lakhs for himself.
Besides these five persons, the ACB has also received sanction to
investigate a former assistant education officer named B Vanlalngheta,
who is currently poisted in the Art and Culture Department.
The ACB said it examined a total of 48 witnesses including Minister
of State C Ngunlianchunga, who was formerly CEM of the LADC before
becoming an MLA in the 2013 statewide elections.
The
NSCN-K’s first ceasefire meeting with the Myanmar authorities, to which
Baruah refers in order to glorify S.S. Khaplang and criticise the Indian
government, was at Hkamti on April 9, 2012.
Nothing can be farther from the truth than equating the NSCN-K with Myanmar in the context of India’s engagement.
Sanjib Baruah’s ‘The Nagas of India and Myanmar’ (IE, May 14) speaks
volumes about his scholarship. But there are many Nagas like me who have
firsthand experience of the issue, particularly the recent developments
highlighted by the article.
The NSCN-K’s first ceasefire meeting with the Myanmar authorities, to
which Baruah refers in order to glorify S.S. Khaplang and criticise the
Indian government, was at Hkamti on April 9, 2012. The meeting was
undoubtedly a red letter day for the NSCN-K. The Myanmar government
organised a fantastic cultural evening, followed by a gala dinner. The
ceasefire agreement was drafted and signed by none other than Kilonser
Wangtin Naga and Kilonser P. Tikhak, leaders of Baruah’s
“yet-to-be-named group of former NSCN-K members”. Our group has aptly
been named NSCN-Reformation.
Notwithstanding Myanmar’s hospitality, the initial political
concessions did not reflect the mature political acumen touted by
Baruah. The Myanmar authorities wanted to restrict Naga areas to only
four towns. But we managed to get the main ceasefire office at Hkamti
and asked for sub-offices in all towns. The Hkamti office was demanded
to ensure that at least this town remained within Naga areas. We also
asked Myanmar to immediately demarcate Naga areas, so that Naga areas
that had gone to the Kachins and Shans could be brought back.
Unfortunately, Khaplang had done little to prevent Naga areas from going
to other communities. So much for his “ideological worldview” and
“ideological commitments”.
The two Naga leaders from the Indian side, Wangtin Naga and P.
Tikhak, expelled by none other than Khaplang himself, fought with the
Myanmar authorities for these rights. These two were the architects of
Khaplang’s authority in parts of Sagaing Region. Was it not a reflection
of their commitment to a pan-Naga political and social identity? For
us, the concerns of our brothers and sisters in Myanmar were as dear as
those of our brothers and sisters in India. Both Khole Konyak and Kitovi
Zhimoni parted ways with Khaplang, though these two leaders had stood
by him and did not consider him a “Burmese Naga”.
Who, then, broke this bond? Who divided the Nagas into Myanmarese and
Indian? Who gave the identity of “Indian Nagas” to us? Who betrayed the
Naga cause? The answer is Khaplang. Khaplang exploited both leaders,
who knew English, to ink the historic agreement with Myanmar only to
enjoy its fruits with his Myanmarese brothers. When it came to a similar
ceasefire with the Indian government, he opposed it tooth and nail.
When it came to political dialogue with India, Khaplang wanted to wait
for talks with the NSCN-IM (the Isak Chishi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah
faction) to fail. Khaplang did not have any stake in a political
settlement with the Indian government. This was political opportunism at its worst. Khaplang is answerable to the Nagas of the world as to why he has created Nagas within Nagas.
Khaplang is a fatherly figure (baba) in Naga society, and Nagas respect their elders. But one should deserve and inspire that respect through actions, not fear. Regarding Wangtin’s statement “to my great baba as no son has any bad intention towards his father”, he was not talking about the post-split period, but the one prior to it, when he tried to convince Khaplang to take into consideration several problems faced on the Indian side. But Khaplang turned a deaf ear to his pleas, thinking Wangtin was doing so only for his own benefit. That’s why he clarified that a son can never have any bad intentions towards his father. His pleas were meant to save the organisation from sinking because of the backbiters. Ultimately, it culminated in the current state of affairs. Therefore, it was not at all an apologetic statement as made out by Baruah.
As regards Khaplang’s influence on the Indian side, a few incidents of violence by fugitive followers don’t prove his influence. Indeed, the rising public resentment against violence and the call for non-cooperation speak against it. Sooner rather than later, the truth will prevail. There is a pantheon of Naga leaders who have sacrificed themselves at the altar of the Naga cause. Khaplang does not even merit a mention.
His protection to other Indian insurgent groups in Myanmar is not because of his influence. It is a marriage of convenience. Other groups take advantage of his ceasefire with Myanmar to seek refuge, while Khaplang takes “protection money”. As regards whether India should learn from Myanmar on how to deal with Khaplang, whether Indian security forces have the capacity to contain the NSCN-K, whether Myanmar will extend a helping hand by not allowing Khaplang to use its soil, and whether India can solve the Naga issue only by talking to the NSCN-IM, it is for the Indian government to ponder. In any case, nothing can be farther from the truth than equating the NSCN-K with Myanmar in the context of India’s engagement.
This article has been written by MIP, Secretary, NSCN-Reformation, Government of the People’s Republic of Nagaland.
its worst. Khaplang is answerable to the Nagas of the world as to why he has created Nagas within Nagas.
Khaplang is a fatherly figure (baba) in Naga society, and Nagas
respect their elders. But one should deserve and inspire that respect
through actions, not fear. Regarding Wangtin’s statement “to my great
baba as no son has any bad intention towards his father”, he was not
talking about the post-split period, but the one prior to it, when he
tried to convince Khaplang to take into consideration several problems
faced on the Indian side. But Khaplang turned a deaf ear to his pleas,
thinking Wangtin was doing so only for his own benefit. That’s why he
clarified that a son can never have any bad intentions towards his
father. His pleas were meant to save the organisation from sinking
because of the backbiters. Ultimately, it culminated in the current
state of affairs. Therefore, it was not at all an apologetic statement
as made out by Baruah.
As regards Khaplang’s influence on the Indian side, a few incidents
of violence by fugitive followers don’t prove his influence. Indeed, the
rising public resentment against violence and the call for
non-cooperation speak against it. Sooner rather than later, the truth
will prevail. There is a pantheon of Naga leaders who have sacrificed
themselves at the altar of the Naga cause. Khaplang does not even merit a
mention.
His protection to other Indian insurgent groups in Myanmar is not
because of his influence. It is a marriage of convenience. Other groups
take advantage of his ceasefire with Myanmar to seek refuge, while
Khaplang takes “protection money”. As regards whether India should learn
from Myanmar on how to deal with Khaplang, whether Indian security
forces have the capacity to contain the NSCN-K, whether Myanmar will
extend a helping hand by not allowing Khaplang to use its soil, and
whether India can solve the Naga issue only by talking to the NSCN-IM,
it is for the Indian government to ponder. In any case, nothing can be
farther from the truth than equating the NSCN-K with Myanmar in the
context of India’s engagement. This article has been written by MIP, Secretary, NSCN-Reformation, Government of the People’s Republic of Nagaland.
- See more at: http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/khaplang-in-the-eyes-of-an-indian-naga/2/#sthash.oKMPgOam.dpuf
its worst. Khaplang is answerable to the Nagas of the world as to why he has created Nagas within Nagas.
Khaplang is a fatherly figure (baba) in Naga society, and Nagas
respect their elders. But one should deserve and inspire that respect
through actions, not fear. Regarding Wangtin’s statement “to my great
baba as no son has any bad intention towards his father”, he was not
talking about the post-split period, but the one prior to it, when he
tried to convince Khaplang to take into consideration several problems
faced on the Indian side. But Khaplang turned a deaf ear to his pleas,
thinking Wangtin was doing so only for his own benefit. That’s why he
clarified that a son can never have any bad intentions towards his
father. His pleas were meant to save the organisation from sinking
because of the backbiters. Ultimately, it culminated in the current
state of affairs. Therefore, it was not at all an apologetic statement
as made out by Baruah.
As regards Khaplang’s influence on the Indian side, a few incidents
of violence by fugitive followers don’t prove his influence. Indeed, the
rising public resentment against violence and the call for
non-cooperation speak against it. Sooner rather than later, the truth
will prevail. There is a pantheon of Naga leaders who have sacrificed
themselves at the altar of the Naga cause. Khaplang does not even merit a
mention.
His protection to other Indian insurgent groups in Myanmar is not
because of his influence. It is a marriage of convenience. Other groups
take advantage of his ceasefire with Myanmar to seek refuge, while
Khaplang takes “protection money”. As regards whether India should learn
from Myanmar on how to deal with Khaplang, whether Indian security
forces have the capacity to contain the NSCN-K, whether Myanmar will
extend a helping hand by not allowing Khaplang to use its soil, and
whether India can solve the Naga issue only by talking to the NSCN-IM,
it is for the Indian government to ponder. In any case, nothing can be
farther from the truth than equating the NSCN-K with Myanmar in the
context of India’s engagement. This article has been written by MIP, Secretary, NSCN-Reformation, Government of the People’s Republic of Nagaland.
- See more at: http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/khaplang-in-the-eyes-of-an-indian-naga/2/#sthash.oKMPgOam.dpuf
A
look at Mizoram's finances shows why states in the North East might have
to sack employees and shut down development programmes.
In early
April, PC Zosangzuala lost his job. About three years ago, the
28-year-old had been hired by an Indian government programme which
supports India's middle schools – Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan.
The job contract signed by “Peecee”, as his friends call him, suggested
the programme would run till 2017. However, on April 4 or April 5 – he
doesn't remember the exact day – he got a letter from the department
saying the part of the programme that employed him had been closed.
Peecee,
with an earnest mien which makes him look much younger than 28, was not
the only one axed. In all, 366 staffers, mostly lab technicians and
clerks, lost their jobs.
The job cuts have followed a budgetary
squeeze in New Delhi. This year's national budget has slashed central
allocations to the middle school programme from Rs 1,500 crore to Rs
1,010 crore, said a senior official in Mizoram's education department.
Faced with less funds, the central government officialsoverseeing
the programme retained teachers but axed clerks, lab technicians and
counsellors. The Mizoram government could have retained the 366
employees fired by the centre, but their salariesadd up to Rs 6.8 crore a year – money the cash-strapped state doesn't have.
Since
jobs are hard to find in Mizoram, the sacked employees – mostly between
25 and 35 years old – panicked. Some of them had married recently.
Others had become parents. Some others had taken bank loans they were
still repaying. Peecee had taken a loan to pay for the treatment of his
grandmother who eventually succumbed to cancer.
In
late April, 70-80 of them went on a hunger strike. They went without
food for 12 days, calling the fast off only after the state education
minister assured them that whenever the state finds funds, they will be
the first to be hired.
PeeCee lost his job in April.
New formula
In
the weeks and months ahead, Mizoram is likely to see many more such
protests. This is partly due to the 14th Finance Commission, which has
altered the way revenues are distributed between the centre and the
states. Until now, state departments have run on money
from three sources – their own revenues, the state's share of taxes
collected by the centre, and development programmes funded by the centre
and implemented by the states. States with high non-plan expenditure
like salaries but low revenues – like those in the North East – also
receive deficit grant funding from the centre.
One critique of
this system was that a large chunk of the funds received by state
governments were “tied” funds – funds which could be used only for the
purpose defined by the centre. This, it was said, took away financial
autonomy from the state governments.
With the centre accepting
the commission's recommendations on how to overhaul funding to state
governments, all this has changed. In the new system, states' share of
central taxes has risen from 32 per cent to 42 per cent. At the same
time, the centre has cut back on the development programmes it funds in
states. The rationale that has been offered is that states would now get
more funds they can deploy any way they like.
In theory, this
means states can undertake more locally relevant developmental work. But
in practice, while some states gain from the new system, others lose.
Mizoram is one of the losers. In 2014-'15, the state got about Rs 5,300
crore from the centre. This year, after increases in both its share of
central taxes and deficit grant funding, it will get Rs 4,200 crore from
these two sources.However, the centre's decision to cut back on development funding – the third source – might nullify these gains.
Changed ratios
In a previous report, Scroll outlined how the state was struggling to fund its anti-AIDS programme. Its sequel
tried to identify, using the State Health Mission as an instance, the
reasons for this funding crisis. The answer, we found, lay in the
construct of Mizoram's economy.
The state depends on the centre
for as much as 90% of its annual budget. In recent years, as Mizoram's
expenditure has climbed, it periodically runs out of money. At these
times, it redirects central allocations – for health, education and
other schemes – towards more expedient monthly requirements like
salaries or interest payments. As Scroll's reports showed, every time the government redirects funds, the people of Mizoram are deprived of vital services.
At
the same time, given the low revenue generated by the state, some
programmes – like the State Health Mission – are entirely dependent on
central allocations.
But now, the centre is cutting back on those
payments. It has divided its development programmes into three
categories – those it will no longer fund, those it will fund as before,
and those where the ratio between central and state funding will
change.
Typically, the centre used to put in 90% of the money
needed to run a programme. But now, said an official in the Mizoram
finance department, the centre wants to bring down its share to 50-75%
which means the state would need to put in as much as 25-50% of the
funds needed for these schemes. At the same time, the state has to
support the programmes the centre will no longer support.
What does this mean for Mizoram?
A
letter from the state finance department dated 7 May lists 22
programmes where the funding pattern will change and 8 projects that the
centre will no longer fund. Take the Rashtriya Kisan Vikas Yojana, one
of the biggest agriculture programmes running in Mizoram. The
centre-state ratio for scheme until last year was 90:10. Under that
formula, in 2014, after the state government raised its spending to Rs
14 crore, the centre released another Rs 128.9 crore for this programme.
But this year onwards, the state government will have to pay moreto
keep the programme size intact. While the agriculture ministry is yet
to communicate what the new ratio will be, back of the envelope
calculations show that if Mizoram wants the programme to operate at the
same size – Rs 140 crore – it will have to cough up Rs 35 crore (25 per
cent contribution) or Rs 70 crore (50 per cent contribution).
It
is the same story with a set of other critical state programmes – like
the National Health Mission, the state AIDS programme, education
programmes, you name it. If we assume that, between the state and the
centre, Rs 100 crore was being spent on each of the 22 projects. Then,
Mizoram paid Rs 220 crore while the centre paid Rs 1,980 crore. If the
funding ratio for all of them changes to 75:25, then Mizoram now has to
pay Rs 550 crore.
In some programmes, like the Integrated Child
Development Scheme, which runs a network of child care and feeding
centres, the ratio is 50:50. This means the state's contribution would
have to rise steeply to keep the programme intact. At the same time, the
state has to support – or axe – the eight programmes the centre will no
longer fund.
The big question is whether Rs 4,200 crore is
enough for the state to meet its existing expenditure plus these new
commitments. The official in the state finance department doesn't think
so. “The centre is saying that we have to match the centre's allocation.
It will be very hard for the NE states to manage anything more than
90:10, like 60:40 or even 70:30. We cannot do this. In the name of more
fiscal space to the states, why are they taking away these programmes?”
As
it is, the state government may not even get Rs 4,200 crore each year.
As the official said, “Share in central taxes comes with
conditionalities. Which means that the increase (100%) will never be
fully delivered. The 100% is what we can get at the most. A lot also
depends on how much the centre is able to raise in taxes.”
Lack of consultation
But
what is most surprising is this: The centre has accepted and rolled out
the Commission's recommendations without taking the states on board, or
letting them grasp how they would be affected. As the states have come
to understand the full implications of the changes, there have been
belated protests from state chief ministers like Assam's Tarun Gogoi and
Mizoram's Lal Thanhawla. In Mizoram's case, its finance department
officials estimatedtheir new
allocations only when the state received its first monthly instalments
of "share of central taxes" and "deficit grant funding" in April.
At
this time, a month after the new financial year started at Mizoram,
information is still trickling from central departments about the new
ratios. The state has to learn about the new funding ratios, decide
which programmes it can afford and which ones it will have to axe, and
then put in its share.
“They will have to shut down some
programmes," said James Thanga, a professor of economics at Mizoram
University. He pointed out that while the National Rural Livelihoods
Mission and National Urban Livelihoods Mission had just started, other
programmes like AIDS control, farmer development, child nutrition and
health have been running for decades and would have to be continued.
The
departments which survive will see delayed fund allocation this year. A
senior official in the middle education department at Mizoram told
Scroll: “It is mid-May and we still do not know what we will get. We
were about to start construction of new schools – the tendering was
over. But now we are not sure about how much money will come.”
Economic realignment
In
the state, at this time, the funding crisis is still sinking in. Some
feel this might even be a blessing. Successive governments in Mizoram,
as in other parts of the north-east, have been very profligate. The
crisis might force them, some people speculated, to be wiser and stop
relying on Delhi for money.
For this, the state needs to create
more economic activity. But given its location, poor connectivity and
ecological conditions, only some activities are viable here. " We could
invite companies to come and do organic farming or oil palm
cultivation," said the official. "But for that, we would have to give
them large swathes of forestland.” Apart from the questions about forest
loss and oil palm's environmental impact, these activities will also
take time to establish themselves and generate revenues.
And time is what Mizoram doesn't have. The funding crisisis already here.
Can
Mizoram emerge unscathed from the looming crisis by merely curbing
wasteful expenditure or will deeper cuts need to be made? At the same
time, will the government want to cut back on the programmes it uses to
dole out patronage? If they make deeper cuts in social programmes, then
what happens to the people? Like the health reports showed, things are
already grim.
These are the questions that state officials are
struggling with. “How do we do this? There are no state assets to sell,"
said the official in the finance department. "We will have to borrow
against future remittances of the state.” I ask what that means. The
official says: "future payments like salaries".
In essence, the
government will take a loan and repay it from the next year's central
allocation. That will worsen the financial shortage that year. If the
state does follow that plan, a vicious cycle will begin.
The
other course of action, suggested Thanga, the economics professor, could
be raising revenues by charging for land transactions and increasing
the professional tax. With the lifting of prohibition, he said, loss
making public sector units – the state industrial corporation, the
agriculture marketing corporation, even the state handloom and
handicraft development corporation – have applied for liquor
distribution licenses. “This should help them become viable," he said.
But
the question that is the most difficult to answer: why did the centre
force such an abrupt transition on the states? It is going to impose
penalties on the people of Mizoram and elsewhere.
Aizawl, May 21 : The Mizoram government's much-hyped programme to reach out to the people of Barak Valley districts of Assam for better ties has been all of a sudden put on hold for "an indefinite time".
The Outreach Programme, the second edition of which is scheduled to be held tomorrow, is the brainchild of the BJP-led NDA government.
The Centre aims to strengthen the bond between Kolosib district of Mizoram and Cachar and Hailakandi districts of Assam.
The deputy commissioner of Kolosib district of Mizoram, Jitender Yadav, however, did not spell out the reasons of this decision.
A senior official of the Hailakandi district administration, however, said they are at present busy in the onerous job of updating the National Register of Citizens (NRC).
He added that in view of the deteriorating law and order situation in the district at present, it would be wise to postpone the celebrations.
The last Outreach Programme held at a higher secondary school in Dholai township of Cachar district in April evoked tremendous enthusiasm among people of the two countries.
Mizo women, in their traditional hand-woven tribal attire, added to the celebration mood.
Some dance items like bamboo dances of the Mizos and the dhamail dance by the rural women of Cachar districts, interspersed by the songs, stole the show in this inter-state exhibition of mutual affinity between people of these states.
Apart from these, some common sports events like volleyball, football and kabadi were the other stellar features of this inter-state festival in Dholai.
In the recent past, the two state administrations had to mutually tackle the spurts of the acrimony between the Mizos and the local inhabitants.
Sixty-two-year-old Jacob, perhaps the only Mizo author to have
published a novel in English, spoke about why she decided to write about
the “ram buai” (disturbance in the land), and why she thinks the
decision of the Mizo rebels to take up arms was a mistake.
