10 February 2014

Bangalore University sets up separate hostel for Northeastern students

Bangalore: After the tragic death of Arunachal boy Nido Taniam in Delhi, one the largest varsities in India - the Bangalore University - has now set up a separate hostel for Northeastern students. The university said that the idea behind it is to protect students from racial discrimination.

"We will build the hostel, install CCTV cameras, make security arrangements and put security also. That's how we can protect the safety and interest of the north east," said B Thimme Gowda, Vice-Chancellor, Bangalore University.

While students from the Northeast have a mixed opinion on a special hostel for them, the larger question is, will such a move isolate them further in the name of security? Will such a hostel prevent their mingling with others, failing the very purpose of integration? A 19-year-old BA student, S Henna from Manipur, who stays as a paying guest near her college, has a mixed feelings over the proposal.

"This hostel is going to provide protection only in the hostel but they aren't going to give security throughout the places wherever we go. When we are in hostel, yea, we are secure but what happens when we are outside? We can't just stay there, live there and just stick to the hostel," said Henna.

"I don't think it is necessary because we all have our own places like flats, PGs. I think it should be open for the working class," said another girl.

But there are people who support this idea. "I think it's a good idea but personally, I think we should involve the others, with locals so that we can live together peacefully," said a boy from the Northeast.

Meanwhile, the university has defended its plan saying efforts will also be made to mainstream Northeastern students. "We may accommodate 50 per cent of people of Northeast and also from other places for interactions," said Thimme Gowda.

It has been only 2 years, since Bangalore witnessed a temporary exodus of Northeastern students after fears of racist attacks. And now, days after Taniam's death, the university has said it's only reflecting the fears of immigrant students.

The ‘Foreign’ Indians

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It was the rarest of spectacles, an alignment of political stars that no astrologer could have predicted: Rahul Gandhi, Narendra Modi and Arvind Kejriwal, all lending their support to a single agitation. Even more unexpectedly, the agitation in question was one being staged by students from India’s Northeast region.

For decades now, that region and the “mainland” of India (to which it is connected tenuously by a land corridor 22 kilometres wide at its narrowest point) have had a troubled relationship. Differences in culture, religion and food habits, and even in physical appearances, have deepened the sense of alienation felt by many from the region who made the journey to India’s bustling metropolises in search of education or jobs.

It was his appearance that sparked off the fight that seems to have led to the tragic death of Nido Tania, a student from Arunachal Pradesh, in Delhi’s Lajpat Nagar. Police records and the testimony of his friends show that Tania was severely beaten up by a group of youth after he broke a shop’s display window. He had stopped to ask for directions, and been met with a racist taunt, which infuriated him.

Such taunts are “par for the course”, says Nicholas Kharkongor, a writer and director of mixed Naga and Khasi descent who lives in Delhi. He’s been in Delhi and Mumbai for 20 years now, and has learnt to blank out these taunts, he says. His forbearance has meant that he has not found himself in “any sort of extreme situation”.

“If in a place you have a singular exotica, a few people from elsewhere, you will be nice to them. If there are a lot, fascination will give way to xenophobia. Delhi has a huge Northeastern population,” he says.

The size of this population came into notice in 2012 after rumours circulating on SMS sparked off an exodus of people from the region who live and work in cities such as Delhi, Pune and Bengaluru. The incident drew the attention of Prof Sanjib Baruah, an authority on the region who teaches at Bard College in New York. In a paper for the January 2013 issue of Himal Southasian, Prof Baruah noted the presence of at least 2 lakh Northeasterners in Delhi.

In an email interview, he wrote that while he was very disturbed by the Tania incident, he saw a silver lining. “I am glad that Kejriwal and Rahul Gandhi went to the protests. The political establishment appears to be taking this incident more seriously than previous racial incidents. I hope the discussion leads to the recognition of such crimes as hate crimes,” he wrote.

Watershed moment
These protests could prove to be a watershed moment given the recognition from all major political parties that there is racial discrimination being faced by some Indians in India, a fact that has long been ignored or denied. It is also a watershed moment in the very vocal identification by the protesters from the Northeast of themselves as Indians. The region has been home to numerous separatist insurgencies down the decades since 1947, and the Indian identity was not something everyone from the region sported easily.

Borkung Hrangkhawl, a rap musician from Tripura who lives in Delhi, is the son of a legendary insurgent leader from the state, Bijoy Kumar Hrangkhawl. His father gave up the gun after 10 years of armed struggle, in 1988, and took to politics. Asked whether he feels Indian, Borkung paused for a moment to say that it was a loaded question before answering “yes”.

“A lot of us don’t feel Indian,” says Kharkongor, but adds that he is not among those. “I feel very Indian,” he says.

Prof. Baruah, who authored a seminal text called India Against Itself on the politics of nationality, says, “Northeasterners are seeking integration as equal citizens, which is not the same as assimilation”.

The younger generation of writers, thinkers and musicians from the region seem to agree with this view.

Ankush Saikia, an author who divides his time between Tezpur and Shillong and lived in Delhi earlier, says “focusing on differences rather than factors that bring us together is harmful for everyone in the long run”.

He agrees that it is a difficult and complex matter, and says, “We need to look at the treatment of people from outside the Northeast in the Northeast itself, and the many opportunities available to and availed by people from the Northeast in the rest of India.”

Perhaps the worst sufferers of the periodic bouts of violence against “outsiders” have been the Bengali minority who scattered throughout the Northeast for generations.

Sonali Dutta, who now lives in the United Kingdom, recalls an incident from her college days in Shillong.

“It was during Durga Puja and I was walking back home from the pandal with my boyfriend just after dusk. As we approached a quiet, poorly lit stretch on the street leading down to my house, six Khasi boys surrounded us. One of them exposed a knife in his inner leather jacket pocket. While they were busy punching and kicking my boyfriend along with profuse racial verbal abuses, I managed to slip out of their circle to look for help. In the meantime, my boyfriend broke out of their loop, caught my hand and yelled, ‘run!’ I threw my handbag and we ran for our lives.”

There’s a sense of xenophobia in the Northeast, says Kharkongor. “It needs to go…I don’t know what can be done about it,” he says. The situation there is “more grim”, he adds.

“Bridges need to be built between this region and the rest of the country so that there can be understanding and interaction, and ultimately, mutual respect,” says Mitra Phukan, the Assam-based president of the Northeast Writers’ Forum.

Mary Therese Kurkalang, director of the Cultures of Peace Festival, is at the forefront of efforts to build such bridges. She left Shillong to live in Delhi in 1998 and has been there since. “I consciously choose to live in India’s capital that is not always known for being kind to women or minorities or to anyone at many and various levels,” she says, adding, “There is also much that this city offers. I came to this city with `5,000, a suitcase full of synthetic clothes, a Class 12 Pass certificate, and a great deal of hope! After 16 years, I can look back and say, ‘Delhi you didn’t let me down!’ I run a company of my own, know thousands of people (and not just on social media), I have a wonderful Punjabi landlady in whose flat I have lived for 11 years running! I celebrate Christmas, Id and Diwali with equal gusto. So every now and then, if someone asks me ‘aap kahaan se ho’, I patiently explain to them where Shillong is, starting from Kolkata, then to Assam and a 100 kilometres up to Shillong — the capital of Meghalaya ‘the abode of clouds’ where perhaps a bit of me always floats.”

14-year-old Manipuri girl raped, sparks off protests

NEW DELHI: A 14-year-old girl from the northeastern state of Manipur was allegedly raped by her landlord's son in South Delhi's Munirka area.

The accused identified as Vicky has been arrested after an FIR was registered under Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act at Vasant Vihar Police Station, police said.

However, the incident, which comes close on the heels of the death of an Arunachal Pradesh youth Nido Tania, sparked off protests outside the police station with students groups from the northeast blocking the road and clashing with the police following which traffic was diverted in the area.

The demonstrators raised anti-police slogans and also tried to barge into the police station.

Later, Delhi Commission of Women Chairperson Barkha Singh reached the spot and spoke to protesters. She also held a meeting with senior police officials in this regard.

"An accused has been arrested in the case. The girl is out of danger, her medical examination was also done. We are looking into the case and we will go to any extent to make sure that the perpetrators in this case are hanged. It is very shameful and unfortunate that she was raped in the same area where she lived by her landlord's son," Singh told reporters.

According to a police official, the incident took place last night at around 10:30 PM when the victim stepped out to buy some household items in the locality. Vicky accosted her in front of a hospital in the area and took her to a nearby room and raped her."

The girl has suffered injuries and was taken to Safdarjung Hospital where she underwent a medical examination.
06 February 2014

Would India’s northeast be better off with China?

By Jug Suraiya

Every time Beijing lays claim to the whole of Arunachal Pradesh as being part of its national territory, New Delhi’s hackles rise. Arunachal, as indeed all the northeastern states, are indisputably part of the Indian Union.

Or are they? While political India claims sovereignty over them, so-called ‘mainstream’ India – another, and misleading, word for the Hindi-Hindu belt – treats them like foreigners.

The tragic case of Nido Tania, the young student from Arunachal Pradesh, who was beaten to death in New Delhi after he got into an altercation with ruffians who had cast a racial slur at him is just one of a long list of hate crimes against people from the northeast when they come to the Indian heartland.

Because Nido was the son of a Congress MLA, his case has drawn VVIP attention: Rahul Gandhi has publicly expressed his support and sympathy for all those from the northeast, and home minister Shinde has told the police to expedite their investigations.

Just four days before Nido was fatally attacked, two women from Manipur were assaulted by a bunch of goons, barely a few kilometres from where the young student from Arunachal was fatally beaten up.

In both these cases – and in all the countless such incidents that go unreported and unrecorded, precisely because they are so common that no one bothers to take note of them – the only provocation was that the victims looked ‘different’ from what Indians are ‘meant’ to look like – whatever that might mean.

People from the northeast are routinely labelled ‘Chinki’. They are frequently asked if they eat dogs, and are presumed by many so-called ‘mainstream’ Indians to be sexually promiscuous, particularly in the case of women who are made to suffer offensive physical and verbal advances.

Days after Nido’s death, newly-appointed Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal promised a number of measures to help fight such racist discrimination, including making a study of the history of the northeast mandatory in schools and the appointing of a special panel comprising people from the region to look into cases of such hate crimes.

Welcome as these and similar proposals are, the question that arises is: Why are such special protective measures necessary at all? Why is Indian society so hostile to anyone who doesn’t in appearance or custom fit into a cookie-cutter stereotype of what being an ‘Indian’ means?

Despite the national mantra of ‘Unity in diversity’, India is increasingly becoming more and more intolerant of any form of difference from the ‘mainstream’, whether that difference is of ethnic appearance or that of sexual preference, as shown by the Supreme Court’s recent ‘recriminalising’ of homosexuality.

Minorities of any kind – ethnic, religious or sexual – feel increasingly unsafe in an India which seems growingly allergic to any kind of heterogeneousness, any kind of diversity or difference.

Political India insists that the northeast is part of the Indian republic, ‘mainstream’ India rejects – often with extreme violence – all ‘foreign-looking’ northeasterners.

So, would our northeastern states be better off with China, or at least better off independent of India?

Nido Tania might have had an answer to that question. And he might have been alive today to answer it if he hadn’t been compelled to be part of a country whose self-appointed ‘mainstream’ hates all people like him.

Mizoram Makes a Mark in Mumbai

Chengrang Lanu and MNF: Mizo Uprising to be screened at prestigious fest
Aizawl, Feb 6 : Mizo filmmaker Malsawmkima Chhangte did not expect his first short film, made without proper equipment, to travel this far.
“My first film being selected is unbelievable,” was Chhangte’s reaction to his debut film, Chengrang Lanu, being selected for the prestigious Mumbai International Film Festival, 2014.
Chengrang Lanu (Musket Lady), directed and produced by Chhangte, has been selected in the short film competition (national) category, while another Mizo film about the two-decade Mizoram insurgency has been selected in the prism (non-competitive) documentary film under 40 minutes category.
MNF: Mizo Uprising is a documentary directed and produced by Napoleon R.Z. Thanga.
Chengrang Lanu will be screened on Saturday between 4pm and 5pm at Godrej Theatre.
Though Chhangte has a number of documentaries to his credit, Chengrang Lanu is his first short film.
“We made this film without proper props and my actors also work as crew members when they are off-screen. It is a group effort and it paid off pretty well, much more than we expected. It encourages me to make more films. I’m planning to make a full feature film in the near future,” Chhangte told The Telegraph before leaving for the film festival.
Chengrang Lanu depicts an unusual event in the life of a young Mizo girl. It attempts to illustrate a different aspect of the role of women in early Mizo life where a stereotypical girl would stay at home, work in the fields or just be unable to fend for herself. It starts with a brief narration of the old way of life of the Mizos with visual imagery (sketches) depicting the narration.
Emphasis is laid on the dangers of the life of people who are always at war with each other. The scene then dissolves into one where the protagonist is being stalked by two warriors from a neighbouring tribe, is abducted and carried back to the enemy village. The ambush party stops for rest at a thlam (jhum hut) where the girl somehow manages to escape and take revenge on her captors.
Filmmaking in a state like Mizoram, where the silver screen is past its golden era and the markets are swamped with dubbed Korean movies, requires a lot of zeal and even risk.
“In Mizoram where there is not a single cinema hall to screen your film and the audiences are glued to dubbed Korean movies, you cannot expect any monetary profits from making films,” Chhangte added.
Chengrang Lanu had bagged the second prize in the first Mizo Short Film Competition, 2013, jointly organised by the Mizoram Films Development Society (MFDS) and the state government’s information and public relations department.
The state government, in collaboration with MFDS, has been actively trying to promote Mizo films in an attempt to counter the invasion of foreign movies, mostly Korean, whose dubbed versions are beamed 24x7 on the local cable television across the state.
In an official statement, the director of information and public relations, Jim K. Chozah, congratulated the two Mizo filmmakers on their films being selected in the international film festival. He hoped that the achievement would encourage other Mizo filmmakers to look for a global audience.
His department and the MFDS provide basic training to aspiring filmmakers of the state. Two campuses now function as a film city, with traditional Mizo villages serving as permanent exhibits.
“The goal is to encourage Mizo filmmakers to create films based on the state’s history and Mizo folk tales,” Chozah said.
In last year’s budget, Rs 20 lakh was earmarked for the promotion of visual arts and the film industry by the Mizoram government.

Cigarettes To Cost More in Mizoram

Aizawl, Feb 6 : Cigarettes would cost more in Mizoram after a few months as the tax department would propose a hike in value added tax from 13.5 per cent to 20-25 per cent on it.

Principal Secretary for Taxation R L Rinawma said today that a recent meeting of Mizoram Smoke Free Group, chaired by Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla proposed to hike the VAT on cigarette and authorised the state taxation department to make a formal proposal.

Rinawma said the department was likely to increase the VAT levied on cigarettes to 20 to 25 per cent as it was around 30 to 50 per cent in other states.

Jane R Ralte of the Mizoram State Tobacco Control Society said the initial proposal placed before the Mizoram Smoke Free Group was for 65 per cent as was being done in Rajasthan.

The taxation department also intended to make proposals on increased taxes of imported cigarettes.

India After Nido

By Pratap Bhanu Mehta
 
The self-proclaimed image of a tolerant society has often sidelined questions about racism in India.
The self-proclaimed image of a tolerant society has often sidelined questions about racism in India.

Summary

His death reminds us of the transitions the Indian project still needs to make.

Nido Taniam’s death was deep tragedy. But there is some consolation that political attention to this incident is ensuring that it does not become a mere statistic. Yet in India, a single violent incident bears the weight of complex histories and tangled sociologies. It has highlighted the casual but consequential racism prevalent in our cities.

It has reopened the delicate question of the place of the Northeast in India’s imagination. It has also reminded us of the subtle transitions the idea of India still needs to make for the Indian project to be complete.

The first transition it needs to make is the move from territoriality to people. The idea of India is tied to an emphasis on territoriality. While this is inevitable in any modern nation state, the monumental privileging of territoriality has often led to making concrete peoples invisible.

The Northeast has often been imagined in Delhi in largely territorial terms; even the name suggests that. Defending territory trumps almost everything else: human rights, economic freedom. But in a strange way, discourse in the Northeast also has been besotted with territoriality. The claim that ethnicity and territoriality be aligned has also wreaked havoc in the region. It is a formula that has also produced more violence, displacement and antagonism in the region.

The principle fight of the Indian state with the Northeast, on one hand, and among the peoples of the Northeast, on the other, has been about who controls what territory, not about how to define proper ethical relationships with others. In a way, the Indian state and the Northeast have shared each other’s pathologies. It is time to move from the question of territory to what it will take for us to treat each other as free and equal human beings.

The second transition is the move from diversity to respecting freedom. Indian toleration was often based on segmentation and hierarchy. Each community could have its place, so long as it remained in its place. But the mobility produced by economic changes, the desire to expand the boundaries of freedom, the jostling in same spaces, sometimes even competition for the same jobs, needs a different kind of toleration.

This toleration is not about respecting each other’s identities at some distance. In a way, it is not even about knowing the histories and identities of others, though that might help. It is about quite the opposite. It is about making identity more of an irrelevant fact in the background, not an axis on which we organise what rights people have and what places they can inhabit. It is about recognising the limits to which we can, as individuals, exercise sovereignty over others; how one wears one’s hair is nobody’s business. This is a challenge for migrants in India everywhere.

The third transition is from self-proclaimed innocence to an overt confronting of racism. The self-proclaimed image of a tolerant society has often sidelined deep questions about racism in India. Racism is a complex subject. But it haunts our conception of nationalism, where we often cannot decide whether the Northeast is radically different or the same, based on race. It haunts our relations with the outside world, as we see with Africans. The moral education required is not more facts about this or that culture. It is about the idea that racism of any kind is not acceptable.

It is about not letting common decency be immobilised by abstractions of identity. This is a much harder thing to achieve. In fact, much of the diversity discourse in India is quite compatible with racism, because it is premised on essentialism: each culture is like this or that. Even positive assessments of different groups partake of the same fallacy: the individual is always a sign of the group, nothing more nothing less. We need to inculcate toleration based on freedom rather than identity, individual equality rather than group difference. Even well-meaning calls for overcoming racism obscure this fact.

The fourth transition is from states of exceptionalism to normalisation. The fact of the matter is that much of the Northeast is still under siege. So long as the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act remains in place in its current form, so long as security-based arguments close off developmental possibilities, the Northeast will remain a troubled zone. It could be legitimately asked: what is the connection between the political problem of the area known as the Northeast, and the racial problem of attacks on Northeasterners? The short answer is that both are a form of distancing from the language of Indian citizenship. It is true that horrendous violence goes unpunished in large parts of India.

That we are still debating 1984 testifies to that. But how can the language of citizenship gain primacy, both in Delhi and in the Northeast, when the normative values of citizenship have no purchase in the way the state behaves in the region? In fact, every intervention of the Indian state, including the creation of separate ministries and development councils based on ill-conceived ideas of a territorial identity, is a reminder of just how exceptionally the area is treated. Except that this exceptionalism is a form of marginalisation.

It is taking a Supreme Court intervention to investigate the disappearance of hundreds of young people in the region. The AFSPA may give legal protection to the army to operate. But it is also a daily reminder that people of the region are not allowed to lay claim to the legal protections of citizenship. The AFSPA morally denudes citizenship because it presumes people are guilty rather than innocent. And racism towards the Northeast partakes of the same assumption: guilt just by being. Internal politics in the area will also have to change.

The final transition is from a regime governed by the contingent waves of sympathy to governance by institutions. It should not take a propitious political conjuncture every time to achieve justice. The good thing is that in this case there are few of the “ifs and buts” that normally disable the quest for justice. In India, there is often a danger that history and sociology will be used to immobilise normal institutional roles. Delhi Police is, rightly, under a scanner.

But it is also currently a political football, being kicked around in the politics of blame. How to reform institutions in ways where the politics of assigning blame is not mistaken for the politics of genuine reform will be a challenge. Our hearts are full, our heads need to be clear as well.

The writer is president, Centre for Policy Research, Delhi, and a contributing editor for ‘The Indian Express’
05 February 2014

Mizo NGOs Threaten Deprivation of Bru Refugees Voting Rights

Aizawl, Feb 5 : Major NGOs of Mizoram on Tuesday sent a memorandum to the Chief Election Commissioner of India, informing him of the NGOs' intention to take steps to delete the names of the Bru refugees living in Tripura relief camps from the Mizoram electoral roll.

The memorandum informed the CEC of the resolution of the joint meeting of the central Young Mizo Association (CYMA); the Mizo Elders' Association (MUP); the Mizo Women's Association (MHIP) and the Mizo Students' Association (MZP) on January 28.

The resolution had urged the state government to make efforts to repatriate all the Bru families, "who have on their own accord fled from Mizoram" in 1997 and who continue to chose to live in transit camps in Tripura under "various pretexts", by February 2014.

The meeting resolved the joint NGOs shall take all the necessary steps for deletion from the Mizoram electoral rolls the names of those electors who are unwilling to return to Mizoram by end of February, 2014.

"That the joint meeting of all the NGOs fervently requests the Election Commission of India to seriously take into consideration the opinion of the people of Mizoram in all its future dealings with the Bru refugees on matters of Electoral Rolls revision, omission and commission," the memorandum stated. The Mizo NGOs' hostility towards the Bru refugees was fueled by the kidnapping of three persons - a telecom professional from West Bengal and two Mizo drivers - from Mizoram on November 23, 2013 by National Liberation Front of Tripura, with the help of Bru militants. The NGOs felt that the Bru camps not only served bases for Bru militants who occasionally committed crimes in western Mizoram. While the two Mizo drivers were freed on January 21, the telecom professional Deep Mandal is still being held hostage in Bangladesh jungle as the militants demanded huge amount of money from his employer for his release.

YMA search for Mondal

Young Mizo Association (YMA) today decided to visit the border village of Tuipuibari tomorrow to secure the release of Deep Mondal, who was abducted by suspected militants two months ago.

Volunteers of the association have threatened to enter Bangladesh to search for Mondal, a telecom professional, , who has been in captivity in Bangladesh since November 23, a senior official said.

The “search party” to secure the release of Mondal, comprising YMA leaders and members, today met at Damparengpui village on the international border in Mizoram’s Mamit district.

The district superintendent of police Rodingliana Chawngthu said around 100 “search party” members were planning to go to Tuipuibari tomorrow.

Chawngthu said no law and order problem has arisen so far and there has been no report of Bru people leaving the state for fear of communal backlash. While two Mizos abducted by armed Bru goons and kept hostage for ransom were released on January 21, Mondal continues to be in captivity.