27 June 2013

Home They Bring The Warriors Dead To Mizoram

Srinagar Attack: Mizoram’s Martyrs to reach home on Thursday

Aizawl, Jun 27 : The body of two soldiers killed along with six other Indian army personnel by terrorists in Srinagar on Monday will be brought to Mizoram on Thursday, official sources said.

The bodies of Havildar Lalrohlua (36) of Kelkang village in Mizoram-Myanmar border Champhai district and Lance Naik J Lalrinngheta (34) of Tuidam in Mizoram-Tripura border Mamit district were likely to reach the Lengpui Airport near Aizawl on Thursday.

The bodies of the two soldiers would be accorded full military honour at the Airport after which they would be taken to their respective native villages, the sources said.

Two other Mizo soldiers – Naik David Lalduhawma and Naik Lalrimawia, both residents of Aizawl, were also injured in the same attack and their conditions were described as not critical.

The Mizo soldiers belonged to the Assam Regiment and were deployed in Jammu and Kashmir as Rahstriya Rifles. 

Over 16000 Wild Animals & Birds Sold in Nagaland Market Annually

By Jordanna Dulaney

A comprehensive survey of the wildlife sold in the markets of Tuensang has resulted in a stunning record of the wildlife trade in the state of Nagaland in northeast India, as reported in a new study published in mongabay.com's open-access journal Tropical Conservation Science (TCS).

Once a week, researchers with the Sálim Ali Centre for Ornithology and Natural History and the Near Chang Baptist group entered the Tuensang market and carried out intensive surveys and interviews of vendors selling wild birds or mammals. Researchers noted the species, price, and quantity of each animal then extrapolated their data to determine the implications for the conservation of the Nagaland wildlife, which, as apart of the Indo-Myanmar sub-region, is in one of the world's 34 global biodiversity hotspots.

Eight different species of mammals, 35 species of birds, 2 species of amphibians and 2 species of mollusks were recorded after 52 surveys. The estimates suggest that a whopping total of 16,634 birds and mammals are sold each year in the Tuensang market alone. Out of that, 3,657 are mammals, and 13,067 are birds. The most common bird sold was the great barbet (Megalaima virens), which was recorded in the Tuensang market 264 times during the 52 surveys. The most common mammal was the Himalayan striped squirrel (Tamiops mcclellandii), which was recorded 159 times.

A spotted Linsang (<i>Prionodon pardicolor</i>) at a Tuensang market in eastern Nagaland.  Photo by J.Paramanandham.
A spotted Linsang (Prionodon pardicolor) at a Tuensang market in eastern Nagaland. Photo by J.Paramanandham.

The study demonstrates the lack of enforcement and effect of local and national wildlife protection laws in Nagaland. The paper suggests that the lack of effectiveness is most likely due to strong native culture in Nagaland (only about 100 out of the 29,772 residents of Tuensang are non-natives), made up of some 225 native tribe. The researchers found that the animals in the markets were almost all hunted or collected by native tribes, such as the Chang, Yimchunger, Khiemungan, and Sangtam. India’s laws protect virtually all large wild animals from hunting, but these laws are often ignored in Nagaland because of cultural traditions of the tribesmen, who uses the animals for food, medicine, ritual purposes, or, a source of reliable income. Cultural taboos or preferences in the communities for specific species also dictated much of the market demand and pricing. For example, the common hoopoe (Upupa epops) is believed to cure asthma, and so is more expensive than other birds, and bought for often.

Adding to the problem is the fact that most of the habitats in Nagaland are locally owned. Ninety-three percent of the habitual land in Nagaland is owned and managed by clans, villages, individuals, and district councils. The remaining 7% is government-owned and protected, but the rest of the land is primarily used for hunting or Swidden (slash-and-burn) agriculture.

Overall, the researchers advocate for increased monitoring of all Nagaland markets to find out more about the use of wildlife in the state. But the article cautions that the cultural and economic aspects of the issue need the involvement and support of the locals in Nagaland before any meaningful change can be made.

Red Muntjac (<i>Muntiacus muntjak</i>) at a Tuensang market in eastern Nagaland.  Photo by Ramesh Kumar.
Red Muntjac (Muntiacus muntjak) at a Tuensang market in eastern Nagaland. Photo by Ramesh Kumar.

Beautiful Nuthatch (<i>Sitta formosa</i>) at a Tuensang market in eastern Nagaland.  Photo by Ramesh Kumar.
Beautiful Nuthatch (Sitta formosa) at a Tuensang market in eastern Nagaland. Photo by Ramesh Kumar.

Amphibians at a Tuensang market in eastern Nagaland.  Photo by P. Thirumalainathan.
Amphibians at a Tuensang market in eastern Nagaland. Photo by P. Thirumalainathan.



CITATION: Bhupathy, S., Ramesh Kumar, S., Thirumalainathan, P., Paramanandham, J. and Chang Lemba. 2013. Wildlife exploitation: a market survey in Nagaland, North-eastern India. Tropical Conservation Science Vol. 6(2):241-253. Available online: www.tropicalconservationscience.org

Assam’s Disappeared, India’s Shame

By Aruni Kashyap
IN THE SHADOW OF THE GUN: In this 2007 file photo, children on their way to school pass security personnel in Borka village in Kamrup district, one of the areas worst affected by insurgency. Photo: Ritu Raj Konwar

IN THE SHADOW OF THE GUN: In this 2007 file photo, children on their way to school pass security personnel in Borka village in Kamrup district, one of the areas worst affected by insurgency. Photo: Ritu Raj Konwar

Extra-judicial killings by security forces during the separatist insurgency continue to be a traumatic chapter for the people of the State

Several people have asked me why I chose to write a novel set against the backdrop of the Assamese insurgency. The truth is that I had to deal with the subject because my generation has grown up under the shadow of this violent conflict. It is impossible not to tell stories set amid the conflict because almost all my memories of childhood and adolescence have been shaped by it. In fact, when I was in my teens one of the most shameful episodes of human rights violation under Indian democracy was unfolding.
Throughout high school, I read reports in Assamese papers about the discovery of mutilated bodies or the massacre of entire families (such as poet and former insurgent Megan Kachari’s family) and heard stories from people in our ancestral village. My generation grew up amid this normalised sense of fear. Since it seemed so regular, and hence “normal”, a lot of us didn’t pay much attention to it until it touched us in some way. That happened to me in 2001, when a person called Jyotish Sarma was killed not very far from my house. The next morning, I was waiting for my school bus on Zoo Road Tiniali, Guwahati, when a few young men riding a Bajaj scooter stopped to tell me that I should return home, “because soon there will be trouble”.
I had a test in school that day. I couldn’t have skipped it. That afternoon, when I walked down from the bus stop to my house about an hour later than usual, my mother hugged me and cried because she was so worried. I told her about the demonstrations that had blocked the streets of Guwahati, delaying my school bus. Later, I learnt, the people had taken to the streets to protest against the government, tired of the mysterious murders.
Blood-stained stories
From that day onwards, I started asking my parents questions and reading the local papers keenly. All the stories I read were stained with blood. I understood that our government was systematically and extra-judicially killing innocent civilians, people who were considered sympathisers of the separatist movement led by the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) who wanted a sovereign and free country of Assam. People say many who were killed and disappeared had nothing to do with the insurgency. They were either close friends or relatives of the rebels.
By then, a large number of rebels had surrendered. But a lot of them hadn’t. The government couldn’t lure them with its lucrative surrender schemes. Frustrated, it wanted to poke on raw wounds; touch where it hurt the most. ‘If you don’t surrender, we will kill your dearest sister, mother, father, brother, best friend, brother-in-law and we don’t care if they support the separatist movement or not’ — that was the message behind the killings. Masked gunmen visited the homes of these people at night to pick them up. Their bullet-ridden bodies were found in random places. Sometimes, they were never found. In the small rivers of Assam, in streams, in forests, mutilated body parts were discovered that were probably those of the victims.
The Secret Killings of Assam remain one of the most shameful, under-reported chapters of Indian democracy. Despite such widespread human rights violations, very little of it was covered by the Indian media and almost none by the international press. It is reminiscent of the Dirty War in Argentina: a period of state terrorism during the 1970s when approximately 22,000 people who opposed the military dictatorship were killed or disappeared.
Even now, the Secret Killings of Assam resurface only during the elections when contesting parties sling mud at each other. The media tell us that the K.N. Saikia Enquiry Commission’s report clearly indicates the complicity of the Indian government and the army in orchestrating these killings.
We still don’t know what the exact truth is. We would probably never have a clear picture and perpetrators would be never brought to book. All that remain are relatives of those victims. For the people who found bullet-ridden bodies, or heads or legs or fingers, of their family members, at least there is closure. But for the ones whose sons and sisters never returned home, it is a flame thriving on their blood, tears and sweat. In 2012, a family conducted the last rites of their son seeking such a closure — they constructed an effigy, dressed and cremated “him”. A local TV channel covered the news. I saw the mother howling and wailing over the effigy, hugging it, refusing to let it be cremated as if it was her son’s real body. Has closure really come for that mother?
Writing on fear
My generation grew up surrounded by this violence, just like the protagonist of my novel, Pablo, an adolescent boy growing up in this period — I heard his voice clearly in my mind. I also wrote this book because I was interested in the different ways in which fear percolates into the minds of people living under terror and what kind of choices they make due to this fear; because I wanted to celebrate the lives of people in rural Assam who have borne the brunt of Assam’s insurgency; because I wanted to suggest that life goes on despite everything; because I wanted to think deeply about the generation in Assam born around and after 1979 — a crucial year for Assam because it was the year ULFA was formed, the year the Assam Movement started; events that changed things forever for the worse.
Anger and the book
Anger was an almost insurmountable obstacle while writing the book. Anger at how human rights are recklessly violated in my home State by the security forces and the insurgents. Often, while writing, I would end up crying without being aware of it. But the novels I have loved and admired are about gross social injustice and at the same time, deeply political, subversive, tender and hopeful; the conflicts of the human heart are their central preoccupation. I was very worried that I would end up writing a book that I wouldn’t like reading and that is why I had to tone down the bitterness and anger while rewriting it. I wanted it to be an optimistic book that would look beyond the ugliness of violence. I didn’t want to write a bitter, angry story that would thrive on embracing victimhood because I do not believe that the perennially resilient people of Assam are victims; we are, rather winners, survivors.
Also, too much anger directed at the government would have placed Delhi (the seat of Indian government) centrally in my novel. I wanted to avoid that — because Assamese life has more meaning than the violence, than its relationship with Delhi. Assam may not be sovereign politically, or economically, but the Assamese imagination has to remain sovereign.
(Aruni Kashyap’s novel The House With a Thousand Stories is published by Viking/Penguin.)

Mizoram De-Recognises CMJ Varsity Degrees

By Linda Chhakchhuak

Aizawl, Jun 27 : Mizoram has officially asked all students from the State enrolled under the controversial CMJ University in neighbouring State of Meghalaya to withdraw and seek admissions elsewhere.

The university which was created under a Meghalaya State Act in 2009 is under a cloud following the Governor of Meghalaya, Ranjit Shekhar Mooshahary taking several steps against the University for conferring alleged fraudulent doctoral and MPhil degrees.

An official notification by the Mizoram Directorate of Higher and Technical Education de-recognised doctoral and MPhil degrees received from CMJ. A meeting held last May decided that CMJ degrees would no longer be recognised by the Mizoram Government, it said.

A fact finding team was sent to inquire into the situation earlier and reported back that the ‘university is a fraud’. The team reached this conclusion on the basis of the fact that the CMJ produced hundreds of PhD degrees in a year with a faculty which had only a few doctorates, their report said.

Meanwhile, the UGC which had granted CMJ its recognition for some courses had appointed a fact finding team which is yet to produce a report despite the turmoil the issue has caused among the 3,000-odd students who hail from across the region and the country. Following the Meghalaya Governor’s recommendations police investigations are on while the CMJ campus is locked.

Women In Peace Building In Northeast India

By Durang Basu Mullick

Based on my limited reading about the people from north east India from my school text books, I had drawn some similarity between the people there and the people in my home state, Jharkhand-that both of them are tribals; are similar to each other and are different from the non-tribals. However it was only during my post graduation, the syllabus of sociology gave a detailed narration of the diversity of the tribal groups existing in this part of the country. For example, there are as many as 272 ethnic groups comprising around 80 tribes among the Nagas with a population of about three and a half million spread across four states of India. Similarly in Manipur there are 32 ethnic groups with 29 major tribes and 2 ethno denominations. Similar diversity is also found among other north eastern states. North Eastern states have a total tribal population of 8,142,624.

During when I was enthralled to know about the vast culture of the area, I was disturbed to learn about the separatist movements going on there. The apathetic and negligent attitude of the central government for the development of this part of the country and its residents seem to me to be one of the reasons for continued separatist movements.

While India takes pride in its character of ‘unity in diversity’, of late It seems to be a country which is quite ‘divided’ and has led to what may be termed as ‘culture of conflicts’. Quoting a line from the bible would be relevant here: ‘Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called the sons of God!’

But, how am I thinking of peace, when there are more than 40 battalions of the Indian Army and Paramilitary forces present and active in the North East region and have gunned down thousands of inhabitants? And where there are numerous rebel and armed groups within the ethnic communities themselves!

Ethnicity and separatism

We have seen how religion and ethnic movements have consolidated different groups and instilled separatist ideologies to push for group autonomy under the garb of their welfare and social reform (‘Brahma’ being one of them among the Bodos). The struggle for self determination and fight against the armed forces has turned into internal strife amidst traditional groups.

It is observed that in any conflict situation the women are the worst sufferers. Here also in such movements, intolerance, aggression and violence to the women of the communities are witnessed.

Through all these strife, women have been the sufferers of the most heinous crimes and injustice. No wonder that it’s only the women who have sacrificed for their families and community along with maintaining respect for their own cultural protocols and traditional values.

Women are not generally entitled to property rights under their un-codified customary laws and practices. However it feels nice to know of the existence of still some matrilineal communities like the Khasi women of Meghalaya which believes in property rights of women.

Peace building by women’s organisations

We have seen that with time several women’s organisations in the north east have come up to protect and promote the rights of tribal people especially the women. They are the Assam Boro Women’s Justice Forum, Nagaland’s Naga Mother’s Association, Naga Women’s union, Manipur Hmar Women’s Association, Arunachal Pradesh’s R.K Mosang Memorial Society, Tripura’s Borok Women’s Forum of Twipra, Dimasa women’s society, Manipur’s Zomi Mother’s Association, Assam’s All Tiwa Women’s Association, Rabha Women’s Council, The Manipur Women Gun Survivor’s Network, Control Arma Foundation of India etc. These women’s groups have helped the women deal with trauma and agony owing to armed conflicts. They also have worked towards the economic empowerment of the women affected by violence.

In this effort and struggle, two strategies have been adopted. One, which looks at building leadership among women and enabling them to understand the concepts of disarmament and non- military techniques to establish peace, and then focussing on their economic empowerment. The other strategy is to first economically empower the victimised women by compensating their loss and then creating an enabling environment to nurture their leadership. Both the models have helped in developing individuals into an organised and empowered group.

Both strategies emphasises on placing women on the negotiating table and representation of women in the various committees which can contribute toward governance and peace building. Some initiatives like ensuring enhanced presence of women in elected bodies, reservation of women in government services, creation of strong women’s pressure groups, larger women participation in national forums, employing more women in the para-military forces and designated women guards in relief camps during armed conflicts will go a long way in real empowerment of women and their role in conflict resolution and development of society.

One such significant example is the establishment of women’s cell in Nagaland Dimapur district followed by formation of women’s cell in Kohima and Mokokchung districts handling and interrogating all criminal cases related to women and children and such cells have been designated as anti-human trafficking units.

All these efforts carry the legacy of significant women’s groups in the North East that are still proactive like the Naga Mother’s Association. Matri Manch in Gauhati is formed by mothers whose sons had disappeared. They have fought against abuse of women. Similarly Mire Paibis (Women Torchbearers) that started in Manipur as Nashabandi to combat the ever increasing alcoholism got popular support and eventually it is campaigning against atrocities by the security forces.

However, whether all these strategies which are invoked by the women’s groups lead to their greater say in the peace building process in wake of apathy of the state toward promoting women’s groups and the inaccessibility of the groups and civil society to the administration is a question that remains unanswered. The women's bodies promoted by the government like State Women's Commission and women's bodies attached to the Department of Social Welfare at the dist levels are not active as per expectations. Members are mostly appointed on political preferences and govt has hardly any political will to make them effective. Similarly the role of media in highlighting the role of women in peace building and conflict resolution cannot be underestimated. But media has hardly played any visible proactive role in this sphere.

Durang Basu Mullick is working as a social activist in Delhi.

Source: Countercurrents.org

Delhi Transit Hub in Narcotics Corridor

By Dwaipayan Ghosh

New Delhi, Jun 27
: Data released by Narcotics Control Bureau on International Day Against Drug Abuse has once again shown how Delhi is rapidly emerging as a transit point of high-end drugs smuggled by international cartels.

While the capital lags behind other states in use of ganja and opium, it ranks high in consumption of party drugs such as ketamine and cocaine. Maharashtra is the top consumer of party drugs, according to this data. Between April 1, 2012 and March 31, 2013, a total of 143.43kg ketamine has been seized in Delhi compared to Maharashtra (2,170kg) and Tamil Nadu (596kg). Ketamine is produced illegally in the latter states for supply to southeast Asian countries. The fact that Delhi ranks three on the list when it is not even a major producer indicates it is a transit point. Police said this is due to its unique location between producers Afghanistan and Commonwealth of Independent States nations and consumers in southeast Asia.

According to top officers in the narcotics wing and NCB officials, pseudoephedrine—used to make party drugs like 'Speed' and 'Ecstasy'—is a good example of a transit drug. The total seizure of pseudoephedrine in the past one year in north, east and northeast India have been more than 4,500kg.

The figures also include a cocaine haul of 5,429kg and 180kg heroin. The cocaine circuit is dominated by African cartels who also engage in heroin trade. But most of the heroin seized in the capital are of southwest Asian origin and enters India through Pakistan border, says an NCB study.

Security agencies have long believed that some of the money in this trade is actually a portion of narcoterrorism wherein profits from selling this drug is used to fund terror activities. A total of 612.08kg hashish, 955.58kg ganja and 233.42kg opium were also seized from the capital in this one year. A new item on the list is ATS (amphetamine-type stimulants). Over 6.5kg ATS was seized in the city vis-a-vis Maharashtra (40kg).

"It is believed that, due to establishment of special ATS labs, some foreign operatives are using the country's huge chemical base to source raw materials and produce such drugs. Drug hauls on Delhi-Manipur route show they are being trafficked to Myanmar," the NCB noted.

"Recent seizures of Kolkata-bound consignments in eastern and northern India indicate that the mafia is using West Bengal's ports to smuggle banned drugs to South America. A group of pharmaceutical companies are handing out stocks from Uttarakhand. This is then brought to Delhi en route to northeast, Myanmar and Thailand. The processing is completed in factories there before the drugs are pushed backed to India. While a portion returns to party circles in Delhi and Mumbai, the rest is shipped out to Colombia and Uruguay where these drugs are in high demand," said an NCB official.

NCB also asked agencies to crack down on abuse of prescription drugs with the smuggling of codeine-based Phensedyl increasing across borders.

Due to setting up of special ATS labs, foreign operatives are using the country's huge chemical base to produce such drugs, the NCB noted.

Tension Prevails in Meghalaya’s Garo Hills

Shillong, Jun 27 : Tension prevails in Garo Hills in western Meghalaya following Sunday’s killings of eight migrant coal miners by unidentified assailants, an official said here Wednesday.

“The situation is still tense but under control in Garo Hills. We are keeping a close watch on the prevailing situation,” Commissioner of Divisions and in-charge of Garo Hills Peter W. Ingty told IANS.

The government has rushed in six companies of central paramilitary forces – four companies of Border Security Force and two companies of Central Reserve Paramilitary Force – to maintain law and order in Garo Hills region.

Prohibitory orders have been clamped under Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC), banning gathering of four or more people at one place in South and East Garo Hills. In West Garo Hills, the night curfew has been in place since Friday night.

Meanwhile, an official said that there is a panic among migrant workers, mainly from Assam, who fear fresh attacks on non-indigenous workers.

“At least 13,000 migrant workers have left Garo Hills and many more are leaving today (Wednesday) following the killings of the eight migrant coal miners from Assam,” Pravin Bakshi, district magistrate of West Garo Hills, said.

“Adequate security has been put in place to maintain law and order,” Bakshi added.

On Sunday night, eight migrant coal miners were killed and three others wounded at Garegittim and Nongalbibra areas in Meghalaya’s South Garo Hills district by a group of unidentified assailants.

The gruesome attack on the coal miners came after a mob turned violent while protesting an alleged bid to molest a mentally-challenged girl Friday night at Tura, the district headquarters of West Garo Hills.

You Could Soon Earn A Degree In Drone Studies

COMING SOON TO A SCHOOL NEAR YOU

University Of Nevada Students Could Soon Earn Degrees In Drone Studies Training now for the jobs of the future


Karantania UAV


Karantania UAV A prototype military drone, designed by a team at the University of Ljubljana in Slovenia. Slovenia Ministry of Defense
A workshop in Nevada hopes to launch higher-education programs in drone studies. Working with both the University of Nevada-Las Vegas and University of Nevada-Reno, the unmanned aerial vehicle industry wants to start training people now for jobs they expect will exist in five years.

The Titans of Industry Workshop, held June 26-27 and hosted by the Nevada Governor's Office of Economic Development, the Las Vegas Global Economic Alliance, and the Nevada System of Higher Education, aims to put in the place the architecture Nevada needs for a thriving drone economy. Representatives of industry, government, and education will meet to figure out degree programs, certification plans, and the bureaucratic nuts and bolts of a whole new industry.

This wouldn't be the first time a college undertook a drone degree program to prepare for the future. In 2010, the University of North Dakota started two four-year degree programs, one aimed at creating more drone pilots. The second wants to train drone development professionals, with an education heavy on sensor equipment, meteorology, and aviation-specific mechanical engineering. The North Dakota program requires candidates to already have a Commercial Pilot Certificate, which limits the pool of applicants. It's not known yet what shape Nevada's drone degree program will take, but expect them to be somewhat similar, at least at first.

Both North Dakota and Nevada are strong candidates for selection as one of six early Federal Aviation Association drone test sites, designed to flesh out the rules and procedures needed before drones are set to enter regular commercial air space in 2015. Degree programs, like that offered in North Dakota and possibly offered in Nevada, make the states attractive to industry. If drones become the $82 billion industry by 2025 that the drone lobby predicts, having an early edge on creating technically skilled young people in the field will be a tremendous boon.