29 August 2011

Manipur Situation Grim As Lifelines Choked

SADAR-DISTRICT demand in manipurImphal, Aug 29 : In Manipur today, if you have in your stock a filled LPG cylinder and some rice to last for a month then you are a contented person. The indefinite bandh arisen out of the Sadar Hills district demand issue has choked the lifelines of Manipur for the last one month now.

Hundreds of vehicles will be seen snaking up to oil an oil pump from the evening onwards if the filling station is to sell fuel in the following day. Desperate vehicle owners have been spending their nights in their vehicles in the roadside waiting for the day-break in front of the oil pumps.

A litre of petrol in grey market has shot up to Rs 100 and rising while a filled LPG cylinder will cost you anything between Rs 1500 to Rs 2000 and that too, after an intensive search for the commodity.
Given this situation, schools and other educational institutions are likely to close down in want of fuel. Vehicles transporting students and staff of institutions are now finding it hard to continue their services due to scarcity of fuel.

Meanwhile, everyone is waiting for the outcome public meeting to be held on Monday over the Sadar Hills issue convened by the Sadar Hills Districthood Demand Committee (SHDDC). Another important programme slated for Monday has been the meeting between the state government and the Jiribam District Demand Committee. If things do not strike well in these two proposed meetings, the hardship faced by the people getting respite is going to be remote.

Interestingly, amidst these chaotic developments, Schedule Caste people residing in the Sadar Hills area bordering the valley districts took out a silent rally today demanding that their villages should not be included in the Sadar Hills once it got converted to a full-fledged district. The people from Phayeng, Khurkhul, Kangchup, Chirang, Senjam and Sekmai participated in today's silent rally.

27 August 2011

MYSF Continues Its SMEAR CAMPAIGN Against Mizoram

smear campaign against mizoram

Sinlung SAYS: There are several non-Mizo communities living in Mizoram. But the group below MYSF continues in its smear campaign against Mizoram which we find very disturbing. The claims, made by this organization is not only baseless as they cannot bring up one single case from any police station in Mizoram to prove their claim. Further, as mentioned by minority organization in Mizoram (see our earlier news) that they are not harassed…WHY DOES THIS Minority Youths & Students Federation keep on raising false claims?

PM Urged To Ensure Safety Of Non-Mizos

Nilambazar, Aug 27 : The Minority Youths & Students Federation (MYSF) in a memorandum addressed to the Prime Minister of India, through the Deputy Commissioner Karimganj here on Saturday, demanded an immediate halt to the harassment of non-Mizos in different parts of Mizoram since the last few days.

A shrill campaign of sorts has been taken up by some Mizo organisations which has created a panicky situation. Trade licenses and inner line permits of many non-Mizos have been seized by the agitating members of the NGOs while some others have been forced to down their shutters of their shops.

The memorandum signed by the office bearers and members of the youths and students federation has urged the Prime Minister to take effective steps to restore normalcy in the State so that the victims of physical and mental torture can resume their business and other activities.

Those whose trade licenses and inner line permits have been taken away should get them back, besides providing them adequate security for their safe stay. It is noted with alarm that the non-Mizos have been served with an ultimatum to quit Mizoram by August 31.

The federation made it clear that if the harassment of non-Mizos does not stop, both the rail and road communication with Mizoram would be blocked indefinitely besides imposition of curfew prohibiting the movement of Mizo people through Barak Valley.

This decision was unanimously taken at a meeting of the citizens– representing various social and civic bodies held at the premises of Silchar Press Club.

It is hoped that the Prime Minister would exert his good offices to bring back some confidence among the panic-ridden non-Mizos and maintain the traditional goodwill and friendship between the people of Mizoram and the Barak Valley.

Earlier, the Minority Youths & Students Federation met the Minister BAD and Cooperatives etc., Siddeque Ahmed at the Karimganj Circuit House demanding safety and security of the non-Mizos, who are working in Mizoram.

7500 Mizo Jews to Migrate to Israel This Year

Flag of BM

By Thawng Zel Thang

Flag of Bnei Menashe (Picture: Wikipedia)

Aizawl, Aug 27 : Thousands of Mizos from India, who claim to be of Jewish descent, are expected to leave Mizoram State for Israel, also known to them as the Promised Land.

At least 7,500 people from Mizoram and Manipur states of India are believed to be joining an estimated number of 1,700 Mizo Jews who have already settled in Israel, according to sources.

Jeremiah Hnamte, one of the leaders of Aizawl-based Bnei Menashe, a community claiming to be one of the descendants from the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel, was quoted as saying that mass migration plans have been prepared and will take place later this year.

The Mizo Jews, of which about 3,000 are from Manipur State, are claimed to be formally converted into Judaism once they arrive in their new Promised Land.

It is reported that the Bnei Menashe’s have been accepted as one of the Jewish descendants since 2005 after an official visit by one of the chief Rabbis from Israel.

Some speculations have been raised over the possibility of a genetic connection between Jews and Mizos.

Zaithanchhungi, a Mizo researcher, was quoted as saying the Bnei Menashe’s, who claim to be of Manasseh descent, ended up in the Indian states through a journey via China.

Some Mizo Christians voiced their concerns over the mass migration as a threat to social stability in Mizoram State while others said similarities between customs of any two communities of the world don't mean they shared the same ancestors.

A Christian pastor studying in India said it seems that their claim is likely to be rather a supposition based in the biblical verses as it is very difficult to prove that we are descendants of the lost tribes of Israel.

In 2003, migration of Mizo Jews to Israel was stopped by Interior Minister Avraham Poraz after an allegation that the Bnei Menashe were 'exploited for political purposes' as they were being settled in the Gaza Strip and in the West Bank.

The Mizos have reportedly started migrating to the Holy Land as early as mid 1990’s.

It is estimated that there are more than 9,000 members of the Bnei Menashe in Mizoram and Manipur states of India.

Sources record that the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel, which refers to the ancient Northern Kingdom of Israel, include Reuben, Simeon, Dan, Naphtali, Gad, Asher, Issachar, Zebulun, Ephraim, and Manasseh, son of Joseph.


Source: chinlandguardian.com

The Long Road To Northeast Peace

The keenness of insurgent groups in the region to talk peace is driven by self-preservation.

By
Nilim Dutta

Winds of change The NSCN is vying for peace

For the first time in decades, insurgency and violence have ebbed in almost all the states in India’s Northeast. All major insurgent groups, with the exception of those in Manipur, are in ‘ceasefire’ and/or in various stages of a negotiated political settlement with the Centre. Several of these negotiations have been unfolding at an excruciatingly slow pace, given the complexity of the issues involved: ranging from demands of secession to autonomy, with competing claims over territory and indigenous rights. The situation is further complicated by rivalries between insurgent groups belonging to the same ethnic sub-nationality, vying to be the predominant, if not the sole representative, of their people; or between split factions of even the same insurgent group vying for legitimacy.

While it will be foolhardy to predict how the multiple peace processes are likely to unfold, an accurate recognition of the entities who hold the keys and an equally perceptive understanding of the core issues they will need to successfully resolve, could bring about a clarity to a possible roadmap.

Winds of change The ULFA is vying for peace

Photo: Shailendra Pandey

The Naga peace process: Secession no Longer an option
The Nagas raised their banner of rebellion on the eve of India’s independence, apprehensive about their future in the new postcolonial nation-state, and have remained locked in a war of attrition with the Indian Union for ‘sovereignty’ ever since. During this time, the Naga insurgency has witnessed many twists and turns, including splits in leadership, internecine feuds and lost opportunities for peace. It also inspired, nurtured and sustained a multiplicity of ethnic insurgencies, putting the nation’s security architecture under severe strain for decades. In the past few decades, the Naga insurgent movement came to be headed by two factions of the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland — the NSCN(ISAK-MUIVAH) and the NSCN(KHAPLANG) factions. The NSCN(IM), after rounds of secret negotiations, entered into a ceasefire with the Centre in 1997 and the NSCN(K) followed suit about a year later. It has now been 14 years and negotiations have been slow because of complicated issues. Hope lies in the fact that in spite of provocations by all sides, the ceasefire has endured. The Naga peace process is now at a critical juncture, and how it is likely to unfold hereafter has to be inferred from how the three core issues have been addressed so far.

First is the issue of Naga sovereignty. It is indisputable that the Naga movement has been instrumental in forging disparate Naga tribes into a nation owing to their distinct history of keeping alive their quest for a separate homeland. Even as they fought for decades, the Nagas paradoxically got further integrated into the Indian Union. Strong ‘Indian’ interests got entrenched in Naga polity and economy. The Naga middle class elite became beneficiaries of privileges that India bestowed, as did the insurgent organisations themselves. Perceptive observers had long held that ultimately, sovereignty shall have to be ruled out. This was borne out in the statements by Muivah and RS Pandey, the Central government interlocutor, that the NSCN(IM) and the Union of India have reached an ‘understanding’ of a ‘shared sovereignty’. What that ‘shared sovereignty’ turns out remains to be seen, but it certainly won’t be secession.

The arrival of NSCN(IM) Chairman Isak Chisi Swu and his entourage in New Delhi in January on an ‘Indian passport’ for the first time should be indicative of their relinquishing the demand for sovereignty.

Second is the claim for ‘integration’ of all Naga-inhabited areas into one geopolitical entity. That claim includes not only the Naga-inhabited hilly districts of Manipur, areas of Assam and Arunachal Pradesh, but also Naga-inhabited territories of Myanmar. That the general secretary of NSCN(IM), Thuingaleng Muivah, hails from the Ukhrul district of Manipur, whereas NSCN(K) Chairman SS Khaplang hails from Naga-inhabited areas of Myanmar makes it somewhat awkward for both groups to relinquish claims to these territories.

Reorganising the boundary of an Indian State would require a political consensus. Such a consensus is unlikely. No existent state will cede territory to a new larger Naga state. And an attempt to do so would unleash inevitable violence. The leadership of both NSCN factions know this. That the ceasefire remains operational only in Nagaland even after 14 years further underscores this. Integrating areas of Myanmar is anyway beyond the jurisdiction of India and hence, irrelevant.

Insurgency will either die a natural death through ‘honourable’ settlement or will go into hibernation

Third is the question of Naga reconciliation, unifying the various feuding Naga factions under one umbrella. This process received a setback when NSCN(K) supremo Khaplang pulled out of the process in 2008 and remained recalcitrant to reconsider. A significantly large section of the NSCN(K) leadership was suspicious that the talks with the NSCN(IM) have attained a definite and irreversible momentum, and that they were likely to be sidelined in a settlement due to the intransigence of Khaplang.

This led to a ‘coup’ of sorts by the NSCN(K) prime minister and their military commander who impeached the chairman. The June split and the rise of the NSCN(Khole-Kitovi) faction was a consequence of this. Khaplang, meanwhile, continues to retain territories and cadres in his strongholds. Even though such splits during peace talks do not bode well, this one indicates that the insurgent leaders perceived a settlement was within grasp and it was important to remain relevant, even if it meant breaking with intransigent leadership. The inclusion of the NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) and the extension of the ceasefire is also a step in the right direction by the Centre.

Peace With ULFA: No More Red Carpets

The United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), in its three decades of existence, has endured several splits and peace processes. It has also endured several military crackdowns. The ones that nearly crippled it, however, did not occur at the hands of Indian security forces. The 2003 crackdown by Bhutan Army on ULFA camps in its territory led to either the wiping out or the arrest of a number of top-rung leaders. The ULFA had seriously underestimated the capability and intent of the Bhutanese government as it did India’s diplomatic clout over its tiny neighbour. ULFA never managed to regain a foothold there. The years that followed saw a major peace initiative fall through, while it remained entrenched in Bangladesh and Myanmar.

Public opinion, however, started mounting on both the Union government as well as ULFA to consider peace seriously. A citizens’ initiative had started to coax both sides on to the negotiating table. Also, a few influential ULFA leaders came overground with cadres. Still, an all-encompassing ‘peace process’ eluded Assam. That is when the next blow fell on ULFA. Late in 2009, Bangladeshi security forces swooped down on top ULFA leaders residing in Bangladesh. Among those who fell into the dragnet were chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa and deputy military commander Raju Baruah. ULFA had once again failed to anticipate the resolve of another foreign government to act. All arrested leaders were quickly handed over to India and they soon found themselves walking to jail in cuffs. The hubris of a triumphant return as liberators was forever ground to ashes. The only top leader who escaped unscathed was military chief Paresh Barua, who had already relocated to Myanmar.

With Bangladesh firmly going after all camps in their territory, suddenly there was no more pressing need for the Union government to talk. Only after strong intervention by a section of Assam’s eminent intellectuals and civil society, and seeing the need to assuage feelings prior to Assembly elections in the state, did talks kick-start. One by one, the leaders were released from judicial custody on bail, and many second-rung leaders with cadres from ULFA’s operational units surfaced in Assam. While leaders who were released from judicial custody remained committed to the peace process, an influential section entrenched in Myanmar, led by Paresh Barua, has spurned every offer for peace. ULFA is in an uneasy stalemate, with neither the pro-talk faction led by Rajkhowa nor the anti-talk faction led by Paresh Barua officially admitting to what has practically become a split. But the Rajkhowa faction has little leverage over the Union government as it is a foregone conclusion that they have no ‘rebellion’ left in them. On the other hand, even though Barua cannot be compelled to acquiesce to the talks, he stands severely weakened by the split and the losses in Bangladesh. Even if he ultimately accepts offers for talks and is given a safe passage, the red carpet isn’t likely to be rolled out as it was for Muivah and Swu.

The claim for Assam’s sovereignty has already lost relevance. So have the dreams of ULFA leaders to hold it as a bargaining chip for political privileges in their transition back to a constitutional democratic set-up. The virus of insurgency will either die a natural death through an ‘honourable’ settlement or be allowed to go into hibernation to spring back to life at a future time. This is relevant to the success of the parallel peace processes underway with the Bodo, Karbi and Dimasa outfits in Assam as well.

**Nilim Dutta is Executive director, strategic research & analysis organisation, Guwahati. nilimdutta@gmail.com

UPF Raises 'Autonomous State' Demand in Northeast India

https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjKslqdO79XfesV-gnh01FrWfNJas8jqtTvTgnk5O2PXk0bN5z3CXRoUZKIq9bcboY5H8JOSlzCDaigb6XU4LtA_1Ws3HUu2UGoTvD4VQAwsQZY8MjyUlATMLlGr0D6mJsUJnxc2LVkXyJS/
KNF Cadres during raising day parade (KNF is part of the umbrella group UPF)

Churachandpur, Aug 27 : Members of the United Peoples' Front (UPF) have at a convention held early this week agreed to formally endorse 'autonomous State' as mentioned in Article 144 A of the Indian Constitution to be their collective political demand and the same will soon be tabled before the Government, inside sources said.

A signatory to the tripartite Suspension of Operation, the UPF have a two-day convention at Guwahati this week wherein all its members endorses to table 'autonomous State' as its political demand, Kamsuan, the UPF information secretary told The Sangai Express.

The convention also witnessed a major reshuffle with the KNF chief Seiminthang alias ST Thangboi assuming the chairman's post while ZRO president Thanglianpau Guite has been designated as the general secretary.

H Sanga Hmar from the HPC (D) was assigned the task of a convener and will lead the Front in all JMG meetings, he said.

He added, very soon the UPF will table the collective political demand before the Government and pursue the same.

26 August 2011

OIL Begins Hunt For Oil in Mizoram

Oil India limitedAizawl, Aug 26 : Oil India Limited (OIL), India’s second largest oil and gas company, has entered Mizoram in a mission to explore oil and gas in an area of 3213 square kms in four districts of Mizoram.

The OIL is currently conducting public hearings in villages to be affected by the exploration and is in the stage of procurement of land, a source from the company said.

Oil India Limited is very optimistic that Mizoram will become a major producer of hydrocarbon and discovery of oil or gas will bring in sustainable socio-economic development of the entire state, especially for the people of the operational areas, Tridev Hazarika, spokesperson for OIL said today.

The company is committed to putting in place all the resources under its command to explore for hydrocarbon reserves in the land of the blue hills, he said. As per the agreement, OIL is required to drill six wells of which three locations have been identified.

The other three will be selected after further geo scientific studies and results of the drilled wells. Drilling operation is expected to begin from early next year, the spokesman said.

In order to obtain environmental clearance, OIL is required to carry out an environmental impact assessment (EIA) study in the block to establish present baseline environmental scenario and the likely impact on the same as a result of proposed exploratory drilling and testing of the wells.

EIA report is prepared using primary baseline data collected at the site for nearly five weeks during March and April last and secondary data collected from various sources in public domain as well as the project information provided by OIL.

If the ONGC, which is deeply engaged in drilling operation in northern Mizoram, is being accused of violating environmental norms, the OIL is taking every possible measure to cause the least impact on the environment. Drilling rig and associated system will be used for drilling of the exploratory wells.

Water based mud will be used as drilling fluid which is intrinsically safe and causes minimum environmental disturbances.

Facilities for production testing will be created within each exploratory well site, Hazarika said. Use of water based mud for drilling is very eco-friendly and will cause minimum environmental disturbances.

There will be no impact on soils of the area except for the collection of rock cuttings, bentonite clay and other non-toxic ingredients of wasted WBM in HDPE lined effluents pits due to drilling of the wells. Tuirial, Mat Tuikum, Tut and Tuichang rivers are perennial rivers flowing in and close to the block area.

The construction of HDPE lined shallow effluents pits will ensure that there is no adverse impact on ground water or surface water quality of the block area. The discharge, if required, of treated effluents meeting on-shore discharge standards at a controlled rate will ensure that there is no perceptible adverse impact on surface water quality of nearby nullah/river, the spokesperson said.

Oil exploration giants like ONGC, IOC and OIL and firms from Israel, the US, France and Russia have been selected through global tenders to explore the gas and oil deposits in an area of 12,430 Sq Km, which comprised 58.9 per cent of the total geographical area of the state.

According to the agreements, 12 per cent of oil produced and 10 per cent of gas produced will go to the state of Mizoram as royalty.

As recommended by the 11th Finance Commission, the net profit will also be shared 50:50 between the state and the Centre.

Geologists said Mizoram falls under category number one or proven commercial productivity zone which roughly estimates there could be about 170 million metric tonnes of untapped crude reserves.

Analysis: India's Social Media ‘Spring’ Masks Forgotten Protests

Irom Sharmila Chanu, 34, reacts during an interview with Reuters in New Delhi October 4, 2006.REUTERS/Vijay Mathur

By Alistair Scrutton

New Delhi, Aug 25 : Irom Sharmila has been on hunger strike for 10 years to protest against military abuses, force-fed by tubes through her nose. But the tragedy for the world's longest hunger strike is that she is on the wrong side of India's digital divide.

Twitter, Facebook and aggressive private TV have helped rally India's biggest protests in decades to support civil activist Anna Hazare, a digital groundswell of a wired middle class that echoes the Arab Spring and has taken a Congress party-led government of elderly politicians by surprise.

But Sharmila, who has been on a hunger strike in the northeastern Manipur state to demand an end to the army's sweeping emergency powers there, has only managed a small following, a footnote in media coverage.

"We also once tried to take our fight to New Delhi ... but we did not get support from the rest of the nation," Sharmila told Tehelka magazine.

She must be frustrated. The Hazare phenomenon has rallied Indians from the start with social media. Hazare's India Against Corruption website says it has had 13 million phone calls of support. Its Facebook page has nearly 500,000 "likes."

Its leaders have tweeted each step of the whirlwind crisis, whether describing their arrests in real time or negotiations with the government, outmanoeuvring Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and his ministers at every step.

"Protest at PM's residence: 35 people detained, taken to Tughlaq Rd. PS, hundreds still there, come if you can #Janlokpal," twitter user @janlokpal sent its followers in just one example of how the movement was rallying support.

Cases like Sharmila expose the digital divide of Asia's third largest economy and underscore how a growing urban middle class may be getting its political voice heard while millions of poor remain off the digital protest map.

"This is the first time digital social media has resonated with such a large number of people," said Nishant Shah, head of research at the Center for Internet and Society think-tank.

"But this is far more of a middle class, urban movement, than a national movement. Many people in India are excluded from it."

Twitter and Facebook are barely used in many of India's social causes, including battles over land rights that are one of India's most pressing problems involving millions of farmers.

Huge social issues in India, from caste discrimination to high food prices, from the building of dams to protests by farmers against nuclear power plants, have failed to create the kind of digital mobilization that Hazare enjoys.

A DIGITAL DIVIDE

India's internet users have grown 1,400 percent between 2000 and 2010, behind only China and Vietnam among Asian countries, according to a report by Burson-Marsteller, a consulting firm.

But that masks India's low base. Internet penetration is around 8 percent in India, the lowest among major Asian countries. That compares with nearly 40 percent in China.

Out of a population of 1.2 billion, there are only 29 million people active in digital social networks. A report by Maplecroft consultancy warned that India was lagging other BRICs, Brazil, China and Russia in "digital inclusion."

"India, for example, the wealthier, more affluent segment of the population, primarily based in urban areas, has embraced the use of modern communications technology," the report said.

"The vast majority of the population has, however, been excluded from this process."

Those statistics highlight that while the middle class has found a voice, electorally the center-left Congress party will still need to pander to its traditional vote base of millions of farmers and poor Indians ahead of a 2014 general election.

Congress, in power for most of the life of independent India, has failed to use social media tools. One minister lost his job for tweeting too frankly, in a sign of government unease over the web, and the party lags behind an opposition that has embraced Twitter.

LIBYA OVERSHADOWED

So far, private TV channels have provided 24-hour coverage of the protests -- the news from Libya is hardly to be seen. Urban Indians with mobile phones in hand have dominated rallies in the open grounds where Hazare was on his second week of fasting.

Small protests across the country, from demonstrations outside ministers' houses to rallies outside metro stations, have been organized through Twitter and Facebook.

An app that can be downloaded on to smartphones running the Android operating system gives users the latest news on the campaign for a tough "Jan lokpal," or anti-corruption bill, and details of the latest meetings.

"Social media has been huge for us, it has a life of its own," said Shazia Ilmi, in charge of Hazare media strategy.

Even before Hazare was arrested last week, organizers had prepared a pre-recorded video from him that went on YouTube.

The movement does have deep roots and social media has widened the protests, if not caused them. Many of Hazare's protests have also been through word of mouth. Corruption also affects the poor more than middle classes with endemic bribes, whether permission for street food stands or driving licenses.

"It's not an up and down, national movement. It is largely a middle class cause," said Sagarika Ghose, a novelist and journalist at the CNN-IBN news television channel.

"But it's hugely important one. For a younger generation, corruption has become a catch-all phrase for the failure of development."

Some activists are already criticizing Hazare as a hype of an elitist social media.

"Those thronging the Ramlila grounds or marching in support of Anna in the metros are not necessarily 'the people' of the country, and it is dangerous to take the two as identical," academic Prabhat Patnaik wrote in The Hindu newspaper.

(Editing by Paul de Bendern and Alex Richardson)

Is it The Anna Team or The K-Team?

By Sanjay Basak

anna just a ToolNew Delhi, Aug 25 : Anna Hazare, the nation’s latest face against corruption, is being viewed by a section as merely a 'tool' used by Arvind Kejriwal, Kiran Bedi and the father-son duo of Prashant Bhushan and Shanti Bhushan.

Sources disclosed that sensing the campaign against corruption, which hit the government with a series of 2G exposes, the team of four started to look around for a credible face.

Speaking to this newspaper on condition of anonymity, a member of India Against Corruption (IAC) disclosed that when the Kejriwal team failed to make any impact on the corruption issue and get Ms Kiran Bedi posted as CIC chief, it zeroed in on Mr Hazare to plan the next move.

“Kejriwal met Anna at his village in Maharashtra and convinced him to join their movement against corruption,” the member claimed.

Earlier, Mr Hazare had been a part of K-Team only to endorse their move to install Ms Bedi as CIC chief following the retirement of Mr Wajahat Habibullah, sources said.

Mr Kejriwal and other civil society activists, including Ms Aruna Roy, have been working for a strong Lokpal Bill. Sources disclosed that differences cropped up after Ms Roy was appointed a NAC member. It was for the first time that Ms Roy and Mr Kejriwal stood on opposite sides. Mr Kejriwal had worked extensively with Ms Roy in the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan. “In fact, he was tutored by Aruna Roy,” sources said.

The IAC member said Mr Kejriwal, Ms Bedi and the Bhushans decided to make the Lokpal Bill the main weapon to fight corruption and emerge into the limelight. Mr Hazare’s clean image made Mr Kejriwal pick him as the movement’s mascot. Before Ms Roy and other civil society members realised it, Mr Kejriwal had “stolen the thunder”, the IAC member said.

via Asian Age