26 August 2012

Karnataka DGP Tries To Boost Morale Of Northeast People

Guwahati, Aug 26 : Karnataka DGP Lalrokhuma Pachau, who hails from Mizoram, said his NE origin should be used as a morale booster for those from the region who had left Bangalore in the wake of panic triggered by SMS threats.

"I am from the northeast which should be the biggest moral booster for those who left Bangalore to come back to the city and resume their work and studies," said Pachau, who accompanied Karnataka deputy chief minister R Ashoka here on Saturday. Ashoka and Pachau met some of the Assamese youths who left Bangalore to instill confidence and appeal them to return to the cyber city.

Pachau told the youths that even during the height of exodus, no NE native was attacked or harmed apart from some threats issued by rumour-mongers and SMSs. "The Karnataka government promptly swept into action, patrolling in sensitive areas was heightened and sufficient security forces were deployed in places were people of NE reside," said Pachau .

To ensure a sense of safety among NE youths, the DGP said he would be available to solve any of their grievances at his office and residence. "I appeal to you (NE natives) to return to Bangalore. If you face any problem, come to my office or residence," he said.

The DGP felt that there is a need for various NE organisations in Karnataka to be in touch with government agencies. He added frequent interactions and exchanges of information between the government agencies and NE bodies will help the administration to ensure more security.
25 August 2012

First Big-Budget Mizo Movie An Instant Hit

By Linda Chhakchhuak

Aizawl, Aug 25 :
Mapuia Chawngthu's long-anticipated film Khawnglung Run (The plunder of Khawnglung) was released here yesterday to packed halls and community centres.

People here, who had been eagerly waiting for Chawngthu's latest offering since he started the protect two years ago, thronged the film venues ' community centres and halls (as there are no cinemas here). Tickets for the inaugural show at the Chanmari community hall sold out within half a day, while another venue, Vanapa hall, was virtually mobbed by viewers.

Being the first "big budget" (more than Rs 11 lakh) production in the Dulian dialect, the lingua Franca of the Mizos, the film was an instant hit, as evident from the applause reverberating in Vanapa hall at the end of the show.

Produced by Leitlang Pictures, Lunglei, the film tells the story of a star-crossed couple against the backdrop of petty feuds between the Pawi and a Lusei villagers in the late 1850s which led to the plunder of Khawnglung village by Pawi chiefs, marked as the bloodiest and cruellest attack in the entire history of the Mizos.

Khawnglung Run's epic love angle, which has been kept alive through the ages by numerous versions of the story of Chala's bleak search for the love of his life, Thangi, who had been carried off from the plundered village as a slave by one of the Pawi warriors, was more captivating for the viewers than anything else.

Singer Alex Lalchhuankima did his best to give a spirited rendition of Chala's evolution from a boyish young Lusei hunter in a happy village to a desperate man hunting for his lost soul mate, while Zoremsangi Hnamte brought Thangi to life on screen with her beautiful earthy looks and her fine acting.

The film was set in a specially created village near the original Khawnglung village, 145km from the capital. The cast and crew spent around six months on the set shooting the film. As history goes, the entire village was burnt down and the people massacred. The set, too, was burnt down, providing the film some of its best shots against the eerie light of the fires and the dancing shadows, while portraying the harsh realities of tribal warfare in the 18th century as well as the nuances of honour and friendship in time of distress among the villagers.

The director told The Telegraph that his objective was to create interest in youngsters about their own history and culture, which he felt, he had achieved through the film.

Many non-Mizo viewers, however, felt that English subtitles were urgently required.

The actors who played the chiefs and warriors were outstanding, particularly, the one who played the role of Thangi's slave master, who lent the screen the brooding presence of the legendarily feared Pawi raider. Chawngthu said though many of the actors were amateur, some among them, including the female lead, were National School of Drama products.

The theme song was the much-loved old Mizo ballad, Khawnglung Run, which was sung by C. Lalruatkima supported by the Battle Cry Band. Kima Chhangte was the music director while voice recording was done at Small World Multimedia, Serkawn, Lunglei. Another unique feature of the film is that it was produced totally at Lunglei.

Chawngthu said the film would take time to break even as the budget was high, but he planned to take it to several film festivals. He was confident that he was true to his calling as a filmmaker, which was to entertain. "The public find my film entertaining and this is enough to make me happy," he said.
24 August 2012

Rs 44.5 Lakh Looted in Mizoram Seized in Tripura

Agartala, Aug 24 : In a joint operation Mizoram and Tripura police recovered an amount of Rs 44.5 lakh in cash, looted from a rural block development office in Western Mizoram early this month, from four Tripura villagers in eastern bordering hamlets last night.

According to police, unknown miscreants had looted Rs 1.98 lakh from the office of BDO, Zowlnuam in Mamit district on August 8 and Mizoram police had arrested cashier of the office Mr C Lal Fakjuala and two others in connection with the case.

A police team of Mizoram headed by Karta SDPO Lal Chuang Thanga and Tripura police conducted a joint raid in Manachaerra and Chandra Kumar Para and recovered the money and arrested the accused.

During raid Jyotish Reang (18) along with Rs 8 lakh, Binode Kumar Reang (30) with Rs 28 lakh and Banke Rai Reang with Rs 8 lakh were arrested by the police and following by their information, police detained Binode Kr Reang with Rs 50,000.

India’s SMS Hoax Panic: Could It Happen In The U.S.?

Photo by vagawiA TechCrunch analysis on whether the same sort of panic can happen in US.

By Klint Finley


Last week tens of thousands of migrants from India’s northeast region fled urban areas rumor ricocheted through text messages and social media that Muslims would attack them after Ramadan. Fake photos added to the rumors credibility.

The Indian government responded by imposing a five message limit on bulk text messaging, and now The Times of India reports that India may crack down on Twitter if the company doesn’t comply with requests to remove “objectionable content.”

Given how forward button happy we can be in the U.S., I can’t help but wonder if a similar panic could happen here. I spoke with Shlok Vaidya, a former Department of Defense consultant turned entrepreneur in residence at the Tech Ranch Austin incubator, about how this happened in India and what it would take for something like that to happen here.

How It Happened

SMS and social media were necessary but not sufficient conditions for the event. Vaidya says there were a few requirements that enabled this to happen.
First, the target of the hoax had to be a group people who are marginalized and/or distrustful of the establishment and have little institutional support. In this case, a minority group with a distinct appearance (north-easterners look more East Asian than other Indians) that hasn’t been well integrated into the mainstream of Indian society (
some in the northeast states have agitated for independence from India and integration with China). Update: Indian commenters on this post are claiming that that an integration with China is not at all a mainstream opinion in the north east states. I apologize for including the link, which is a translation of a discussion on a Chinese message board, without doing more research on the topic.
Second, the target group has to had to have access to the media that the hoax was spread through. In this case, mobile phones and social media were widely enough available to this group for the message to spread quickly. Vaidya describes the ubiquity of cell phones in India and other parts of the world as a unique moment in history, noting that we’ve typically seen the spread of mobile phones and the web in developing parts of the world as “empowering.” But Vaidya says empowerment is neutral — individuals can use that power for negative actions.
I would add that the hoax connected to fear that’s on fresh in people’s minds. In the northeast state of Assam over 400,000 Bengali Muslims, many of whom have been living in India for generations, are living in camps after having their homes burned down according to Reuters. Over 80 people have been killed. Muslims in Assam are being accused of being illegal immigrants, but according to the BBC many of these families have lived in India for generations. Given this ongoing conflict, retaliation wasn’t implausible and even north-easterners from states other than Assam fled the cities, preferring to be safe rather than sorry.
Vaidya says that the Indian government’s response was inadequate and too slow. Instead of responding immediately through the same media the hoax was spreading the government sent police door to door and tried to setup face to face meetings — but not until the rumors had already been spreading for a day. By the time the government started limiting bulk messaging and blocking websites, the damage had been done.
Censorship and regulation aren’t the answer, he says, but more people are needed to provide legitimate information through new media. But establishing credibility with marginalized groups is easier said than done. The real issue is that these groups need to be better integrated into society, and that’s been an ongoing problem for the region.
It’s still unclear who started the hoax in India, but according to the Times of India the messages have been traced back to Pakistan by Facebook and YouTube. If the hoax was propagated by Muslims, you might be tempted to think it backfired by creating more sympathy for north-easterners. On the other hand, I’d never read anything about the conflict in Assam until the SMS story hit the front page of the New York Times last weekend. And I doubt I’m the only one. The incident may end up doing more harm than good for everyone involved, but if nothing else it’s putting on the table issues that, according to The Economist, have largely been ignored in India outside the northwestern states.

Could It Happen Here?

The dynamics of the panic in India are specific to those circumstances. But something similar could happen here, given the right conditions. “I fully expect someone to target a company like this one day (to coerce a change in policy),” John Robb, author of Brave New War and a colleague of Vaidya, told me.
Vaidya mentions the activist group the Yes Men and how easily they’ve been able to hijack corporate identities in the past. For example, in 2004 Yes Men member Andy Bichlbaum was able to appear on the BBC World claiming to be a spokesperson for Dow Chemical. Bichlbaum told views that the company would dissolve Union Carbide, a company it owns, and use the proceeds to pay restitution for the Bhopal disaster, an industrial disaster caused by Union Carbide in 1984.
That shows how easily a corporate identity can be hijacked to spread a message, but it didn’t have, for lack of a better term, virality that the SMS panic in India had. The intention of this action wasn’t to create a panic, and there was a “canonical” source of information, the real Dow Chemical, to quickly dispel the hoax. But the group achieved their goal of raising awareness of the issue and bringing it back into public discourse, however briefly.
Trying to think of something that fit the mold of what happened in India, I asked Vaidya about the calls for Obama’s birth certificate in the U.S. Those rumors are more difficult to debunk because the target audience was already distrustful of the government and mainstream media, and right wing institutions were either slow to distance themselves from the demands and rumors or propagated them themselves. So even once the birth certificate and a Hawaiian newspaper birth announcement were made available, so-called “Birthers” weren’t convinced and claimed the birth certificate was fake and/or called to see a long form birth certificate.
Some Birthers will never be convinced, no matter what evidence is produced. This is similar to the problem in India: no one could prove conclusively that the northeasterners weren’t in danger. Any attempt to engage with Birthers and conspiracy theorists, such as such as Cass Sunstein’s “cognitive infiltration” proposal is likely to backfire and make them even more paranoid.
Vaidya says what the Birther movement and the India SMS hoax have in common is that both will have longer term effects than a Yes Men hoax. Tens of thousands of north-easterns are in the process of migrating. If nothing else it will have lasting economics effects. It’s not clear to me what effect the birth certificate controversy will have. I doubt many Birthers would have voted for Obama anyway. But the meme is certainly lodged in the minds of its target audience, and it certainly created a distraction during the health care debates.
Pulling something like this off isn’t easy — otherwise those quit Facebook day protests would have worked. The conditions have to be right. The outcomes for the perpetrator are uncertain. But the costs for trying are close to zero, so it’s inevitable that people will try to replicate this eventually, whether to try to cause a run on a bank, a race riot or some other purpose.
Photo by vagawi / CC

 Source: Techcrunch

2 Helplines To Assist Hortheast People in Bangalore

2 mobile numbers - 9845967545 and 9482396178

Bangalore, Aug 24 : About 50 civil society organisations joined hands to form a Peace and Solidarity Forum and set up two helplines for assisting people from the northeast living here feel secure and address their welfare issues, an activist said Thursday.

"The Forum has been formed to prevent a repeat of the fear psychosis that last week forced about 30,000 people from the northeast flee the city and disturbed the social harmony that is a hallmark of this cosmopolitan city," Forum coordinator Manohar Elavarthi told IANS here.

The forum has set up a 24x7 help-line desk with two mobile numbers - 98459-67545 and 94823-96178 to counsel and advise northeast people, especially students, on living in the city or anywhere across the state safely.

According to the state welfare department, about 250,000 people from the seven northeast states live in the city, with majority of them as students, or employees in the IT industry, hospitality sector, security agencies and beauty parlours.

"The forum will also involve about 20 associations of northeast people from Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura to help them in addressing their social concerns and grievances so that they could live in the city like any other citizen," Manohar asserted.

Admitting that many northeast people face identity and social problems due to socio-cultural and language barriers, Manohar said the civil society has come forward to prevent any discrimination by others or harassment by their employers, house owners and even police.

"Northeast citizens residing in Bangalore should inform the forum members through the helplines about their problems or difficulties in leading a peaceful and normal life. They can also complain to us of any discrimination or harassment they face from anyone, including employers, landlords and anti-social elements," he added.

The forum will also help the northeast people in seeking protection from police and speedy disposal of their complaints registered with the local police station.

"We have printed about 5,000 handbills with the helpline numbers and names of members to spread awareness of the forum and its objective. The aggrieved can contact us any time to help them resolve their social issues," Manohar added.

‘Book’ Replaces ‘lock’ in Shillong

A labourer paints the gate of the National People's Party's new office in Shillong on Thursday.

Shillong, Aug 24 :
The NCP “clock” in Meghalaya will not be heard ticking for quite a while as change is blowing over the hills in the abode of clouds.

The winds of change could be witnessed today in the heart of the city as labourers were deployed to wipe out the NCP symbols, which have been dotting the walls of the party office since March this year.
The “clock” was subsequently replaced with a “book”, which is the symbol of the National People’s Party (NPP), hitherto, a Manipur-based party.
This was contrary to the claims made by former Lok Sabha Speaker and erstwhile NCP leader Purno Agitok Sangma that he would form a new political party.
The NPP, Meghalaya state unit, will be launched here tomorrow afternoon in the presence of the defeated presidential candidate where state NCP workers are expected to enrol themselves with the party.
After having fought a losing battle in the bitter war for Raisina Hill last month, Sangma had set the tone for the formation of a new political party, which would be “tribal-centric”, but “open for all”.
Sangma, who arrived this evening from New Delhi, admitted that NPP is already a registered recognised party with the Election Commission, and only the Meghalaya state unit of the party will be formed here tomorrow.
All the NCP members and legislators will be present during the formal launching of the state unit.
Sources said the 13 NCP legislators would not immediately join the NPP lest they unnecessarily attract disqualification from the state Assembly.
“The legislators have been deliberating the fundamentals of the prospect of merging with the NPP, and they are yet to decide when they would part ways with Sharad Pawar-led party,” the source said.
The 13 legislators include Sangma’s sons — James and Conrad. Sources said Sangma’s daughter, Agatha, who is currently the Union minister of state for rural development, would not jump ship as yet.
“She (Agatha) might even join the NPP just before the next Lok Sabha polls,” the source added.
According to Sangma, the state NCP legislators will not face any problem in joining NPP, and that it will be considered as the merger of NCP with NPP.
The formation of the NPP here also comes just few months away from the next Assembly polls scheduled for February-March next year.
A few months ago, the state unit of NCP had announced the list of more than 20 candidates, including sitting legislators, who will be contesting the Assembly elections.
Ironically as it may sound, it was the former Lok Sabha Speaker who had inaugurated the Meghalaya NCP office on March 17, and it will be the same Sangma who will launch the NPP state unit from the same venue.
Before he threw his hat into the presidential ring against UPA nominee and eventual winner Pranab Mukherjee, Sangma had resigned both from the NCP and the Meghalaya Assembly.
It may be mentioned that the NPP had fielded five candidates in the 2012 Manipur Assembly polls, but could not win any seat. Five years earlier, the party had three legislators in the Assembly.

The Gangte Family: Formerly of Neve Dekalim; Now Of Nitzan

Gush-Katif-082412


The family: My name is Avin Gangte. I am a member of the Benei Menashe community hailing from the north-eastern states of Manipur and Mizoram in India. I am married to Hagit who is also from the same community and we have five children.

Background: We made aliya in April 1995 and we came straight to Neve Dekalim in Gush Katif. Our destination was prearranged with the local administration by Rabbi Eliahu Avichail, who discovered the Benei Menashe and brought us to Eretz Yisrael.

Both my wife and I hold Master’s Degrees in history from the University of Manipur. In Gush Katif I worked as a gardener and my wife worked in a children’s day care center. We lived in Gush Katif for ten years, until the expulsion.

Today: After four months in a hotel in Jerusalem, we came to Nitzan, where most of the Neve Dekalim people have chosen to resettle. We have been living in a caravilla (a special caravan) up to now. We have received a plot of land here and be’ezrat Hashem hope to build a permanent home soon.

Our house – then: Our house wasn’t much but it was “home”- with green lawns in front, plenty of sand dunes all around and a splendid view of the Mediterranean Sea in the back. It was a duplex that we shared with my parents.

Day of uprooting from Neve Dekalim: We left on the night of the sixteenth of August 2005. The day the soldiers arrived to pull us out was… like a bad dream; a nightmare; soldiers all over, residents and volunteers trying to block their entry, people crying and shouting, groups of people praying, struggles here and there and what not. It will be in our memories for a long time to come, if not forever.

What we left behind: We left behind the place where we began life in Eretz Yisrael. In Gush Katif we left behind a wonderful life, a life “away from the maddening crowd” and many happy childhood memories (three of our children were born there.)

Feelings toward the State: As for the government, the pullout was supposed to stop rocket attacks and other Arab violence; but with what’s going on since then – the nonstop firings, the continued violence, I hope they have started to realize the mistake and the foolishness of it all.

What happened to your community? The majority of the Benei Menashe community that was in Neve Dekalim are now living in Nitzan. A small group has moved to the north.

Something good that’s happened since: The one good thing I can see from the disengagement is that the government, in trying to wipe out Gush Katif has created several “Gush Katifs” all over the country.

 source: jewishpress.com

‘Illegal’ Immigrants With Valid Papers

Northeast burning: ‘Illegal’ immigrants with valid papersRiot affected Muslim men show various documents that they say proof their Indian citizenship in Bedlangmari, around 25 km from Kokrajhar in Assam.

BEDLANGMARI VILLAGE (DHUBRI DISTRICT OF ASSAM): Bedlangmari is a stunningly beautiful patch of land on the periphery of Kokrajhar, populated by Bengali-speaking Muslims. And almost all of them are today in refugee camps, accused of being illegal Bangladeshi immigrants.

But the entire lot is armed with reams of what look like valid government documents - from electoral rolls with their father's name in it to birth certificates, ration cards and judicial stamp papers signed by easily identifiable magistrates. Some even have land tax records and live in Indira Awas Yojana houses. If they are illegal immigrants, who gave them valid papers? And if the documents are fake, then where did they get them from and who are the signatories of what is clearly original data?

'Powerful patrons help migrants get ID papers'

It's a question that both the Bodo Territorial Council in Kokrajhar and the Tarun Gogoi government in Guwahati will soon need to answer if they want to see the end of Bodo-Muslim conflicts that can spiral out of hand any time. For, if Muslims are illegal occupants of tribal land, who gave them the various papers attesting their Indian citizenship? And if, like them, the documents, too, are fake, where did they get it from and who are the signatories of what are clearly original data? Is there a staggeringly huge business in these parts of providing such papers to new Bangladeshi entrants or is there a larger, more sinister force at play here that no one can pin?

Illegal immigration of Bangladeshis, for long a divisive issue in Assam with its nearly 30% Muslim population, is once again at the heart of communal clashes that have ravaged large parts of Lower Assam, driving out lakhs of people yet to find the courage to go back home. But while those from Bangladesh entering India through Dhubri and other places illegally may already have made their way to the cities — as no one can stay undetected in the villages for too long, what with local groups after the formation of BTC keeping an eye on the movement of people and the areas crawling with intelligence men—many who've suffered are poor, genuine Bengali-speaking Muslim citizens.

People like Kalimuddin Sheikh. The 62-year-old, for instance, has a paper signed by the electoral registration officer at Dhubri that says Sheikh is eligible to cast his vote at 29, Bilashipara, East Constituency. There's another paper signed, this time by the Gaon Panchayat, which certifies his Indian citizenship. Then, from a plastic bottle he uses to store all these things that might some day stop him from being expelled or even killed, he takes out a 1966 voters list that has the name of his father Ramzan Ali Sheikh at entry number 20.

As people crowd around Sheikh armed with their own sets of papers, Mohammad Kholil, small and gaunt, reeking of beedi smoke and sweat, pushes his way to the front to show a laminated document that is signed by the executive magistrate, Bilashipara. In it is written: "I, Md. Kholil Sk, s/o Afazuddin, aged 37, by caste Muslim, by profession daily waged labour, a resident of village Bedlangmari, PO Silgara, PS Chapar, Dist Dhubri (Assam), do hereby solemnly affirm and declare that I am a permanent resident of the aforesaid locality and a citizen of India by birth..."

The Bodos, however, aren't convinced. Kampa Borgoyari, deputy chief of the Bodo Territorial Council, asks, "If the number of Muslims in Kokrajhar is 2.36 lakh and only half have been displaced, how come there are over 4 lakh Muslims in refugee camps? They are all filled with Bangladeshi infiltrators pushed into these parts by anti-India agencies, helped in the documentation process by powerful patrons."

Of course, land is the key in all this. Many Bodos, who often leave their dead in open tracts between villages for this purpose, say they have lost these to the Bangladeshis as no one earlier bothered to own what was communal ground. The Adivasis, practicing shifting agriculture until some decades ago, may also have sold land to the newcomers. In fact, it was one such piece of land marked out for namaz that started off the violence two months ago. While the Muslims said it was space for an idgah, the Bodos said it was forest land that is rightfully theirs. Now the BSF guards the plot day and night.

The issue of foreigners here has always been prickly to discuss and harder to solve. The Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunal) Act enacted in 1983 was struck down by the Supreme Court in 2005. The IMDT Act, meant to protect minorities from harassment and unique to Assam, made the deportation of illegal immigrants well nigh impossible as the burden of proving guilt rested with the accuser and the police. Providing a ration card was enough and it excluded those who entered India before March 25, 1971. But deportation even for others who came in after '71 was extremely tough. Under the Foreigners Act the onus is on the accused to free himself of all the charges.

The Supreme Court, setting aside the IMDT Act, had said that it was a big hurdle in the identification and deportation process of illegal migrants. It also observed that conviction rate under the IMDT Act comes to less than half per cent of the cases initiated. On August 9 this year, the SC heard a PIL on the deportation of illegal migrants - there are officially 1.50 lakh doubtful voters in Assam but the petition put the figure at 40 lakh - and posted the matter for further hearing on November 6, 2012.

But between the law, votebank politics, a nefarious border trade that eases people into India for a price and an increasing rage against a large number of men and women simply called Bangladeshi immigrants, there are thousands of poor, genuine Indian citizens who are being persecuted and bullied. Intelligence agencies also say extremist groups are now looking to exploit the situation with radical elements on both sides making openly caustic speeches against each other.

While there seems to be no immediate solution to this, the Bodos here, the government in Guwahati and Muslim groups will have to seriously think of a way to contain the growing animosity between the restive blocks. If remedies are not strong and urgent, there are signs that the face-off between Bodos and Muslims here will snowball into something that might engulf communities and regions far beyond Assam.