YMA To Crack Down On 'Defaulting' Insurance Cos

Aizawl, Jun 6 : Central committee of the Young Mizo Association (central YMA) today decided to take steps to close down insurance companies operating in Mizoram, which refused to open regional offices here.

The state's most influential organisation had repeatedly requested the nationalised insurance companies to set up regional offices here in order to solve the problems of insurance claimants caused by the companies.

Only the United India Insurance Company has set up a regional office, in a positive response to the central YMA's request, a source from the central YMA said.

Three companies, New India Assurance Company Limited, Oriental Insurance Company Ltd, and National Insurance Company Ltd have allegedly ignored the central YMA's request.

Accident insurance claimants had to call in surveyors from Silchar in Assam, about 180 kilometres from Aizawl, causing a lot of time and money. Expressing solid support to the central YMA's resolution, Zoram Drivers' Union, Mizoram Road Transport Union, Zoram Taxi Drivers' Association, Zoram Taxi Owners' Association, Mizoram Maxi Cab Owners' Association and Mizoram Truck Owners' Association entrusted the central YMA to deal with the insurance companies.

Lal Thanhawla Cries Centre's Negligence

Aizawl, Jun 6 : Mizoram Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla today accused the Finance Commissions of not giving full attention to the needs raised by his state. Addressing a Union finance minister-chaired meeting of North East Chief Ministers at New Delhi today, Lal Thanhawla expressed his disappointment that the Finance Commissions did not fully appreciate the needs projected by Mizoram.

"Many of the committed liabilities, carried over obligations and interest liabilities and others, which constitute a big financial burden, have either been ignored or only partially accepted," Lal Thanhawla told the meeting. As against Mizoram's projected fund requirement of Rs 13,166 crore, the 12th Finance Commission awarded only Rs 9442 crore leaving a gap of Rs 3674 crore, making a gap of Rs 1687 crore for the first two years of the award period alone, he said.

Lal Thanhawla also highlighted that unproductive expenditures constitute nearly 50 percent of the non-plan budget of the state. Also, with manufacturing sector contributing just two percent of the state GSDP, the number of government employees is high.

Implementation of the sixth pay recommendations that created an additional financial liability of about Rs 200 crore annually from 2009-2010 is an "unavoidable compulsion both politically and administratively", he said.

Mizoram has recurring liability of interest payment, which rose from Rs 253 crore in 2010-11 to Rs 261 crore in the current fiscal, the chief minister said.

Accusing the previous ministry of Mizo National Front of leaving behind non-plan liability to the tune of Rs 110 crore, Lal Thanhawla said that his state's non-plan committed liability stands at more than Rs 1054 crore. Lal Thanhawla made it clear that they don't want to go to Delhi with a begging bowl, but they don't have any alternative source.

Though its resource base is weak and inelastic, the state has been making efforts to raise additional resources by hiking takes on LPG, petrol, land revenue and other fees, Lal Thanhawla pointed out, adding, "These measures are expected to give us additional about Rs 100 crore."

Aizawl Still Thirsty

Aizawl spends big on water, but is still dry

Aizawl, Jun 5 : You wouldn't expect one of India's wettest states to suffer from a water crisis. But residents of Mizoram's capital have a tough task sourcing water.

For one, traditional sources have all but dried up. And two, despite the state having one of the most expensive water-lifting schemes in the country, much of the water is wasted.

Before Mizos learned to harvest rainwater, they depended on streams and springs. Now, Aizawl's natural water springs dry up during the dry season, while Tlawng river, the sole source of water supply, is reduced to a stream.

Mizoram had two main reservoirs, one built in 1900 and the other in 1953-54. In 1963, the Aizawl Water Supply Scheme was initiated to lift water from Tlawng, a height of 1,050m in Tuikhutlang reservoir through seven stages of pump-sets.

In 1972, the Greater Aizawl Water Supply Scheme was launched to cater to barely 80,000 people. This is one of the most costly water lifting schemes in the country. It's also extremely wasteful.

Then came the Greater Aizawl Water Supply Scheme Phase-II that has been a non-starter. Work on the Rs 177cr scheme began in 1998, but remained incomplete.

"We get water once in three or four days. Sometimes we don't get even a drop in a week," laments a resident. Not that Aizawl needs to suffer.

A village near the capital, Lungleng, is regarded as India's model village for its success with rainwater harvesting practices.

Northeast Misses Its Charming Palate

By Nitin Sethi

New Delhi, Jun 5 : It's a craving that only gets stronger with distance.

Northeasterners living in other parts of the country are always asking each other: Is someone coming from home?

It's a constant quest for goodies—wrapped-up bundles of half-a-dozen different leaves, dried and fresh mushrooms, legumes, roots and beans, fermented and dried fish, bamboo shoot and banana stem. And, sometimes, red-hot chillies.

For northeast's students, it's a way of reliving the rich biodiverse experience back home. The veggie packets are small as they have to be eaten fresh.

The fermented or dried fish and meat can be stored. The super-hot red chillies could be bhut jholokia or naga mirchi oru-morok, depending on which part of the Northeast they come from. These are just the better-known exports — over a dozen different kinds of chillies are grown in the region.

The packets from home are just a small part of the wide variety of cultivated and gathered foods eaten by people in the rich forests and fertile fields of the Northeast.

The biodiversity of the forests lends great variety to the Northeast diet. There are tubers and legumes, flowers, seeds, leaves and stems, fish and insects. Alternatives to manufactured ghee, salt and sugar, too, exist though they are dwindling fast.

In Imphal, Manipur, the offering of 108 different vegetarian dishes to the deity at Govindajee Temple is often cited as an example of the variety available. There are more than 10,000 varieties of rice recorded by scientists in the region.

Research shows that jhum or shifting cultivation, discouraged by the government, plays a critical role in preserving herbs and plants that the rice-wheat system has destroyed across the country. Unlike rest of India, biodiversity in the Northeast has been a thriving economic idea.

But things are changing. As the economy becomes more cash-driven, horticultural crops are taking over lands. The money they bring is used to buy essentials, including food. Until 10 years ago, villagers in the Northeast grew almost everything they ate; the rest was bartered locally.

The side-effects of centrally ordained agricultural systems have begun to hit the Northeast too—cash crops like pineapples can be found thrown around on the highways for lack of buyers.

As land gets over-exploited, biodiversity is becoming the domain of scientists and ethnographers talking of preservation and conservation.

To see the change, visit the Iew Duh market run by the Khasi community in cosmopolitan Shillong. One of the largest markets of its kind, Iew Duh was once known for traditional wares—including vegetables, spices, fruits and forest produce from Khasi lands.

Now, the small shops are full of packaged food products while traditional items fight a losing battle for space.

President: Is Pranab Mukherjee Out Of The Race?

Senior Congress leader Oscar Fernandes hands over meeting papers to Congress president Sonia Gandhi and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh at the extended Congress Working Committee meeting at the Parliament House Annexe in New Delhi on Monday — Sondeep Shankar

Speculation is rife on who the real candidate of the Congress for the President’s post will be, after an extended Congress Working Committee (CWC) meeting on Monday authorised party chief Sonia Gandhi to decide on the Congress nominee for the posts of President and vice president.

The fact that finance minister Pranab Mukherjee moved the resolution, confused many within the party as he is widely seen as a potential candidate of the party for the highest office.

Opinion was divided on whether the fact that he moved the resolution was indicative his prospects had dimmed amid speculation that the prime minister could also be in the running.

According to sources, such resolutions are moved by the SC, ST, minority leader as a token gesture.

Asked if he was a candidate for President or his name was discussed at the CWC meeting, Mukherjee said, “Congress president is to select the candidate. Neither me nor anybody else.”

Explaining the role of Congress in selecting the Presidential candidate, he said, “We are the leaders of UPA so Mrs Gandhi will consider all aspects.”

When asked if his name came up when the Congress president was formally authorised to select a candidate, Mukherjee said, “No question of that. We never do so. All the time, so far as my knowledge goes, the Congress president names the candidate.”

Mizoram Steel Plant Ready To Roll

Aizawl, Jun 5 : The Mizoram's Iron Steel Plant Industry (ISPAT) ready to start production as 99 per cent of works have been completed.

"The only hurdle now is power supply. If the power and electricity department gives us power, we can start a test run within one week," ISPAT CEO Roshan Agarwal said.

The steel re-rolling industry has obtained clearance from the Mizoram pollution control board and the state's power and electricity department.

The industry will require at least four megawatt of power for which it has installed a 2500 KW transformer and two 500 KW transformers.

A power sub-station has been built at about eight kilometres from the industry.

The industry has submitted a proposal to the state's works department for maintenance of the approach road.

A plot of land measuring 15,000 square metres at Export Promotional Industrial Park (EPIP) was leased to the industry for a period of 99 years.

After the opposition Mizo National Front created a furore, the Congress government has recently reduced the term of landlease to the non-tribals' owned industry to 25 years, thus settling the dust.

The CEO said the industry will depend on 50 per cent recycled metal scraps from Mizoram and another 50 per cent virgin iron ore from West Bengal's Durgapur.

The industry has so far stocked 1,500 metric tonnes of metal scraps.

"We purchase metal scraps at Rs 20 to Rs 25 per kilogram, based on the quality of the metal," the CEO said and expressed concern that not a single Mizo has involved in the metal scraps business. The industry will utilise all the metal scraps in Mizoram thereby creating job opportunities.

The industry will also create 60 skilled jobs and another 60 unskilled jobs, the CEO said, adding that locals would be given preferences in the unskilled jobs.

The industry is expected to produce 90 tonnes of steel, including TMT bar, MS Angle, square bar and flat iron.

The company had availed Rs 20 crore loan from NEDFI and SBI, Guwahati to set up the plant. While 65 percent of the share is owned by Agarwal group, Baid group owns 33 percent, while a local C Lalduhawma, of Aizawl's Ramhlun Veng owns one percent share.

FIFA, AIFA To Start Football School in Mizoram

Guwahati, Jun 5 : Football in the northeast is all set to receive a huge boost as world body FIFA, in association with the All India Football Federation (AIFF), has agreed to set up an academy for developing the game at the grassroots level in the region.

Mizoram Football Association (MFA) secretary Lalnghinglova Hmar told IANS Monday that the academy will be fully functional after the monsoon season.


"Last year some FIFA and AIFF officials visited Mizoram and some other places for setting up grassroots football school. The FIFA and the AIFF had selected Aizawl for setting up the school considering the soccer potential in the hilly state," said Hmar.

"This grassroots school will be initially a one year project and it would be completely sponsored by FIFA. The international body will send their coaches and supporting staff as and when required to run the project," he said adding that all the football enthusiasts between the age of 6 to 12 will be provided international level coaching during the training sessions.

Hmar also informed that although FIFA had started such grassroots schools in African counties, it will be the first such project in India.

"We plan to start with three months training programmes and are expecting enrolment of over 50 enthusiasts for the first batch which is likely to be started by September this year," he said.

There are over 200 Mizo footballers playing for various clubs in the entire country. The Mizoram government had also supported the MFA for availing best of the trainings to football enthusiasts in the state.

"Over 80 percent of the children in Mizoram now dream of becoming a footballer. We have been trying to popularize football in each district sand villages and state government had also given us the much needed help in popularizing the game. The success of state's footballer like Jeje Lalpekhlua, who plays for Pune FC, have become an idol for the football enthusiasts in Mizoram," he said and added that the MFA will continue the grassroots football school, if FIFA withdraws its support after completion of one year.

Mizoram: Unresolved Tensions

By Veronica Khangchian

A 20-year insurgency, in what was then the Lushai Hills District of Assam (after 1972, the Union Territory of Mizoram) came to an end on June 30, 1986, with the signing of an accord between the rebel Mizo National Front (MNF) and the Government of India (GoI).

The accord resulted in the creation of Mizoram as a State in February 1987. The end of the insurgency, however, only solved the 'Mizo' (Lushai speaking people's) issues, leaving out the State's minority tribes, such as the Hmars and the Brus. Nagging issues continue to feed cycles of low grade strife, and the 'silent' activities of the Hmar (a Mizo tribe who trace their origin to Sinlung, the location of which is unclear) militants, under the Hmar People's Convention-Democracy (HPC-D), and the issue of Bru (Reang) refugees, remain unresolved, more than two-and-a-half decades after peace was restored to the State.

On May 24, 2012, the Hmar Peoples Convention (HPC), the main Hmar political party in north-eastern Mizoram, headquartered in the Sakawrdai area of Aizwal District, alleged that the Mizoram Government had failed to implement the Memorandum of Settlement (MoS) signed on July 27, 1994, between the HPC (till then an armed group) and the State Government. The 1994 Peace Agreement, which resulted in the formation of the Sinlung Hills Development Council (SHDC), was signed, inter alia, with the assurance that the SHDC would be elevated to a full-fledged Autonomous District Council (ADC) for the Hmars, after an interim period of two years. The matter has, however, been constantly deferred. Indeed, Hmar leaders allege that not a single assurance of the MoS has yet been fulfilled, and add that they will not continue to wait indefinitely. The HPC also accused the Young Mizo Association (YMA - Mizoram's biggest and most influential civic organisation) of interfering in the HPC's demand for an ADC under the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution, and promoting centrifugal forces among the Mizos, rather than unifying the community.

Bringing issues to a head, on April 18, 2012, the HPC-D served a 'dissolution order' to all YMA branches in the HPC-D demand area [the projected area of the proposed ADC] in north and northeastern Mizoram. The HPC-D accused the Central YMA (CYMA) President T. Sangkunga of making derogatory remarks against the Hmar community, and of opposing the upgradation of the SHDC to ADC status, and asserted that CYMA did not accept non-Lushai-speaking people as Mizos. Subsequently, at least 16 branches under YMA's Tuisual tendered their resignations on April 25, 2012 - the deadline announced by HPC-D. The Tuisual group is located in Aizwal, the heartland of HPC-D's demand area, while three other YMA groups - Tuivai, Serlui and Chalfilh - in the District, have a few branches falling under the demand area.

Meanwhile, Mizoram Home Minister R. Lalzirliana, rejecting the Hmar's ADC demand, reiterated, "The Mizoram Government would not support any demand of the creation of ADC and other related demands; and the Government does not have any will to give any ADC in any constituency." Lalzirliana had earlier stated, on April 25, 2012, "Three ADCs had been created in Mizoram without our consent. As Mizoram was a Union Territory at that time, we could not do anything. We are not giving any more ADC for any tribe." The Lai Autonomous District Council had been formed on April 29, 1972; the Mara Autonomous District Council, on 29 May 1971; and the Chakma Autonomous District Council, on April 29, 1972.

The HPC-D, an armed insurgent group formed in 1995, is an offshoot of HPC. HPC entered into an agreement with the Government of Mizoram in 1994, resulting in the formation of SHDC in North Mizoram. Dissatisfied with the peace accord, some HPC leaders formed HPC-D to continue an armed struggle for Hmars autonomy. The outfit's 'commander-in-chief' is Lalrupui; its 'chairman' is H. Zosangbera; its 'vice-chairman' is Elvis L. Hmar; and 'secretary' is David L. Hmar. The outfit is active primarily in Mizoram, the Hmar inhabited areas of Churachandpur District in Manipur, and the Cachar (with base camps in the Bhuban Hill range) and North Cachar Hills (Dima Hasao) Districts of Assam. The purported objective of the group, over the years, has changed from an independent Hmar State (Hmar Ram) consisting of the Hmar inhabited areas of Mizoram, Manipur and Assam, to an ADC covering north and northeast Mizoram. The group is now agitating to involve the Centre, so that provisions of the 1994 Peace Agreement can be implemented.

The HPC, on the other hand, is a political group launched in 1986, which went underground in 1987, after the 1986 Peace Accord failed to create a 'greater Mizoram' (to integrate Hmar inhabited areas of Assam and Manipur into the new Mizoram State). HPC came over-ground after the agreement in 1994.

The HPC-D entered into a Suspension of Operations (SoO) agreement with the Government of Mizoram on November 11, 2010, for six months. The SoO expired on May 11, 2011, and was not extended by the Mizoram Government on the grounds that the HPC-D was violating SoO ground rules. Peace talks with the group were supposed to start in January 2011, but the Government refused to resume talks on the grounds that HPC-D had involved a foreigner, a US citizen (Rochunga Pudaite), as interlocutor. Again, on July 27, 2011, the Mizoram Government alleged that some HPC-D militants were still engaging in illegal activities. Mizoram Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla stated that the matter had been notified to the Union Ministry of Home Affairs (UMHA) for appropriate action.

On the same day, HPC-D declared that the SoO no longer existed, in view of the absence of any proactive interests on the part of the Government of Mizoram. On March 31, 2011, HPC-D had alleged that repeated attempts had been made by the Government of Mizoram to dictate terms and conditions outside the purview of SoO Agreement, in attempts to 'sabotage' the peace process.

On August 25, 2011, people belonging to different political parties took out peace processions in three villages in the North Eastern part of Mizoram, adjoining Manipur, demanding resumption of peace talks between the State Government and HPC-D militants, to find a lasting solution to the Hmar problem, and end the pall of fear under which they were living. On March 4, 2011, the Chairman, Vice Chairman and 16 members of SHDC tendered their resignations in a demonstration of support to HPC-D.

According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) database, HPC-D has been involved in 34 incidents of violence within and outside the State, since 1998. In the worst incident in the State, HPC-D gunned down four security personnel, including a sub-inspector of the Mizoram Armed Police (MAP) and injured another three in an ambush at Saipum village in Kolasib District on September 2, 2008. Following the killing, an HPC-D statement declared, "Political reasons were behind the ambush and we warn the Mizoram Government that it was only the beginning". HPC-D has been involved in widespread extortion and intimidation, even after the signing of the SoO Agreement in 2010. A May 30, 2012, report suggests that HPC-D cadres murdered one Lalfellien (25), after abducting him on May 22, 2012. Earlier, on February 22, 2012, the State Election Commission postponed civic polls in 15 villages, following HPC-D's alleged diktat to vote for HPC-D backed HPC candidates. All 15 villages, two under Kolasib District and 13 under Aizawl District, fell under the HPC-D demand area for the Hmar ADC.

On January 6, 2012, in an initiative to push the issue towards resolution, UMHA urged the Mizoram Government to resume dialogue with HPC-D. The Centre fears that if immediate steps are not taken, HPC-D may resume underground activities. Indeed, on January 11, 2007, when the Mizoram Government had initiated talks with the outfit, HPC-D had asked for the involvement of the Union Government, declaring, "If there is any negotiation to discuss the fulfillment of the provisions of the 1994 accord signed between the Mizoram government and the HPC, the Centre must intervene."

Mizoram also continues to be plagued by the Bru Refugees issue. The fourth phase of repatriation of Bru refugees from Tripura to Mizoram ended unsuccessfully on May 15, 2012. Reports claimed that the Brus had raised a fresh demand for the creation of an ADC on their return to Mizoram. Significantly, on April 26, 2012, the first day of the fourth phase, Bru refugees had refused to return without a written assurance guaranteeing security, livelihood and other facilities from the Centre and the Mizoram Government. Of the 669 Bru families proposed to be repatriated in this phase, only seven returned to Mizoram.

Some 35,000 Bru refugees fled Mizoram and took shelter in six relief camps at Kanchanpur in North Tripura, following ethnic-violence of 1997. The immediate cause of the conflict (between ethnic Mizos and Bru tribesmen) was the demand for an ADC in the Bru-dominated areas of western Mizoram by the Bru National Union, a political organisation of Bru tribesmen formed in 1994. Repatriation started in May 2010, for the first time, and a total of 231 displaced Bru families consisting of 1,115 persons, returned to Mizoram. The second phase of repatriation occurred in November 2010, in which another 53 Bru families returned to Mizoram. The third phase began in April 2011 and continued till May, with more than 600 families restored to Mizoram.

There are growing apprehensions of violence by the HPC-D in Mizoram. On May 14, 2012, Security Forces (SFs) stepped up their vigil after an intelligence report indicated possible HPC-D violence. Deputy Inspector General of Police (Northern Range) Zorammawia told reporters, "Security forces led by Superintendents of Police have been conducting flag marches in various parts of the mountainous State, bordering Myanmar and Bangladesh. We have asked all the Police Stations to remain vigilant over the prevailing situation, so that the tribal guerrillas do not create any violence or any kind of disturbances." On May 11, 2012, State Home Minister Lalzirliana disclosed that a 'large number' of armed Police personnel were sent to the north eastern part of Mizoram adjoining Manipur to reassure the people of the area, inhabited mainly by the Hmars, that they should have confidence in the Government, despite intimidation by the HPC-D. Intelligence reports further suggested that HPC-D was planning to bomb important power lines, such as the Manipur to Mizoram line, the Loktak Hydel Project, and bridges along National Highway-54 connecting Aizawl and Silchar (Assam).

Fortunately for the Government, none of these 'intelligence inputs' has been realized. Nevertheless, as long as the rankling issues of the minority tribes remain unresolved, the potential for recurrence of violence in the State will remain.


(The writer Veronica Khangchian is Research Associate, Institute for Conflict Management)