Software Technology Park For Mizoram

Aizawl, Mar 12 : The central government will soon set up a software technology park in Mizoram tor boost IT in northeast India and software exports from India, official said Saturday.

"The Mizoram government has provided five acres of land in the Mizoram University campus to set up the park," an official of the state industries and commerce department said.

The land was given to the Software Technological Park of India (STPI) authority on a 66-year lease.

An agreement will be signed soon between the STPI authority, the state government and the Mizoram University, said the official.

The proposed STP in Aizawl would be the fourth center in northeast India after the Guwahati, Imphal and Gangtok STPs.

Why Manipur Voted What It Hated

By Pradip Phanjoubam

CYNICALLY YOURS: The outgoing government evoked only anger and indignation but people voted fot the Congress agains as there was no other choice. Photo: Ritu Raj Konwar

The Congress' landslide victory of 42 seats in the house of 60 in Manipur was a foregone conclusion although many still think it was a surprise. Most post poll surveys predicted a hung house with the ruling Congress emerging the single largest party. The cynicism in the State being what it is, nobody thought a clear mandate was a possibility. But there is another way of looking at the Congress landslide. It still is an expression of cynicism in the sense that the voters stopped expecting a change for the better but were desperate to have things not slip any further.

The issues

The outgoing Congress-headed government, as many noted, inspired only anger and indignation. There would not be one in the State who has not complained in exasperation about the rampant official corruption, or not thrown up his arms in helpless bewilderment at having to do with two hours of electricity a day, or not cursed the government for the water taps that have run dry, or for the crumbling roads everywhere. There would, likewise, be a few who have not shown a clenched fist at the government for the continued imposition of the draconian Armed Forces Special Powers Act, AFSPA, for the repeal of which Irom Sharmila has been on an epic hunger strike for nearly 12 years now. Further, abject lack of governance has allowed the law and order to slip away almost completely. The periodic prolonged blockades on the State's lifelines with the government looking the other way even as prices of essential commodities rise to the sky, meant untold misery, uncertainty and insecurity for the common man. Yet, Manipur came out and voted resoundingly to bring back the government it hated.

The explanation is, the Manipur results were not so much about the Congress winning. It was more about non-Congress parties losing. In a hypothetical situation, had the people been given another choice of, say, a spell of President's Rule, the landslide verdict of Manipur voters would probably have gone in favour of the latter.

During the last Congress tenure in power with Chief Minister Okram Ibobi at the helm, almost all other political parties in the State were, either voluntarily or else by compulsion, on a path of self destruction. On most of the issues these parties were deafeningly silent. Many of their legislators hung around and nagged ministers for favours. In the run-up to the election, many of them queued up for Congress tickets. In summary, they reduced themselves to subservient allies of the ruling party. At least one party, the Communist Party of India (CPI) remained a formal partner in the State government, even after the party broke alliance with the Congress at the Centre. The opposition space in the Assembly was thus abdicated. This is the vacuum just right for a shrill and pushy party with a charismatic leader like the Trinamool Congress to enter. The party fielded 47 candidates and won seven, commendable for a newcomer. Had it entered the stage earlier, it probably would have done much better. All other parties, depleted in morale and commitment, ended up unable to set up candidates in even half the Assembly constituencies. Many including the CPI and Manipur People's Party (MPP) drew a blank.

Desperately trying to remain relevant, four of these parties urgently formed a pre-poll alliance, the People's Democratic Front (PDF) but this proved too little too late, despite the alliance attracting seven more parties at a later stage. The PDF partners also probably did not consider the thought that the Anti-Defection Law had lowered the ceiling on cabinet size — 12 including the Chief Minister in the case of Manipur, and therefore a coalition of more than two parties is likely to become strained as the only proven incentive of such coalitions is ministerial berths. The PDF hence did not present a picture of stability capable of instilling confidence to the badly fractured and shaken electorate of Manipur. The ruling Congress on the other hand was strong, resourceful, and because of its strength, able to posture as a non-partisan party, reaching out to the valley as well as the hills, and to all ethnic groups, setting up candidates in all the 60 constituencies, campaigning with the confidence of winners. It won seats from among all communities and regions too.

Those who concluded the Congress was not loved in Manipur in predictions before the results were probably correct. What they did not see was the second factor that this was the only party left seen as capable of providing the sinews to hold the badly divided state together. The party's victory was preordained, not by its virtues but by the absence of a credible adversary. Manipur's choice of the Congress was because it had no other choice.

(Pradip Phanjoubam is a senior journalist based in Manipur. Email: phanjoubam@gmail.com)

The Forg Purana

Sathyabhama Das Biju is an unearther of the earth’s forgotten stories. He sniffs out links between the genetic codes from the beginnings of life and the present to give us a picture of the cosmic cycle of evolution, extinction and maybe even rebirth.

When, two years ago, he dug up an earthworm-like legless amphibian of the chikilid family in the deep forests of Meghalaya, he was holding in his hands one of the few living species that shared the earth with the dinosaurs. That discovery, published last fortnight in the Proceedings of the Royal Society of London after strenuous scientific scrutiny and recognised protocols, has proven that India’s forests are a treasure trove of evolutionary secrets.


In 2003, Biju and his team had given science another wonderful story of survival from the Jurassic age. The purple frog (Nasikabatrachus sahyadrensis), which he discovered in the Western Ghats near Idukki in Kerala, also shared space with dinosaurs and survived through four mass extinctions. Amphibians were the first creatures to venture on land, having evolved from fish. These early amphibians are the progenitors to all contemporary species, including reptiles, mammals and birds. They are the key to unlocking nature’s big secrets, an incredible cache of information and survival skills that puts human achievements to shame. Today, there are three overarching families of amphibians: salamanders, frogs and caecilians.
For 30 years, Biju has been scouring India’s forests, searching for the secrets that lie hidden, for species that could connect us to the advent of life, for a little squeak in time’s silent aeonic theatre. “I go to see the forests. I watch the rains. I wait. I listen. If the frogs don’t croak, that is also a question to be asked. It is not necessary that you will see or find something new. Nature will come to you. For me, spending a night time in a forest listening to the call of the frogs is eternally fascinating,” says Biju, sitting in the systematics lab of the Centre for Environment Studies in Delhi University—flanked on all sides by formaldehyde bottles of creepies and crawlies.

(From top left) Chalazodes bubble-nest frog; chikila egg; polypedates bijui; India’s tiniest frog, the Nightfrog, is 10 mm long

For a man who, as he says, could have easily settled for a life of comfort as a professor with a steady paycheque handing out notes for rote learning, Biju’s has been a refreshingly hands-on career. Over the last two decades, he has discovered and documented more than 150 species of amphibians, one of which, the Biju’s Tree Frog (Polypedates bijui), is named after him. He has been published on 70 (of the 150) species, eight genera and two families. Each (re-)discovery of a species shifts the frontiers of science a wee bit more; Biju trudges along the edges of this betweenspace, where life is born or perishes in a wink of an eye.

Over the last two decades, Biju has discovered more than 150 amphibian species, providing insight into the advent of life.

Bittu Sehgal, editor of Sanctuary magazine says, “Biju’s research and surveys, using students, communities and scientists, prove beyond doubt that half of all frogs face extinction. Apart from pure natural history insights, his team’s consistent discovery of amphibian species suggests that all is not lost in the Indian subcontinent. Our wetlands hold the key to human survival in an era of climate change.” The web of life has a billion unseen bits that keep the macrosystem running, Biju’s colleague Aniruddha Mookherjee says, adding it’s people like Biju who can make the government see how significant their point of view is. For a person who has introduced us to such trans-epochal sagas of evolution and extinction, Biju’s had been a down-to-earth start to life. He received his schooling at a government institution in Kadakkal, located near the Western Ghats in Kerala’s Kollam district. He recalls, “I have no memory of school life at all. For me, school was secondary. Helping my parents milk the cow and taking the cattle to graze is my main memory. There, I sat in the forest wondering at its might and the wonders it hid.” Indeed, one might say that it is to such pastoral ruminations that science today owes so much. Over the decades that followed, Biju would revisit and play out this childhood fascination time and again as he dug out the secrets that the forests once hid from him. He finds the night the most fascinating time of day. In its piercing silence, he can hear the frogs playing out their mating games. It was one such cat-like catcall that allowed him to discover the meowing night frog in the Western Ghats which he named Nyctibatrachus poocha (poocha meaning cat in Malayalam).


Biju’s purple frog and the chikilidae (a variety of caecilian) may have survived over several millennia because they are burrowing amphibians and live underground, cushioned by the soil. The chikilidae of the Garo hills, whose ancestors would have been trampled underfoot by the dinosaurs, can burrow through the toughest soil using their hard skull and can vanish at the slightest vibration, a valuable survival skill. As Biju says, “It’s like a rocket. If you miss it the first try, you will never catch it again.”


The purple frog, the first frog family to be discovered since 1926, also burrows with its snout nose, lives underground and sucks up food. The male only comes overground to mate. This purple frog and the chikilidae both lived in the southern supercontinent Gondwana, of which India formed the eastern end. When tectonic shifts forced the continents to split and drift apart about 120 million years ago, such hitherto proximate species drifted away too.


Safe in their hidden homes, they survived for millennia, staying unseen even to science’s prying eyes. For many years, locals in the Garo hills thought the chikilidae to be small snakes. Today, 32 per cent of amphibians face extinction. Biju and the Lost Amphibians of India initiative are working to conserve them, but the large-scale destruction of forests are driving most to extinction, especially in the Northeast. Amphibians make up the highest number of critically endangered vertebrates in India.


It has been four long months of classwork for Biju. He says, “In two months, I will start again: this time in the forests of Central India. People ask, ‘What will you find there?’ But you have to work against the common thinking. I have to go there and see.” Who knows, somewhere in the darkness of the forest, he might hear another cry, a squeak, or a croak that will get his adrenaline flowing again. Science may have to make room for yet another new species... and then, to pull it back from extinction.

Meet Youngest Female Self-Made Billionaire

The likes of Carlos Slim and Warren Buffett are getting their due attention with the release of latest Forbes list, but Sara Blakely is getting her share as well.

The 41-year-old Florida native is on the cover, in fact, after earning the distinction of being the youngest self-made female billionaire, notes the Tampa Bay Times.

She is the owner and founder of Spanx, which makes "shapewear" slimming undergarments. (For men, too.)

The Forbes profile credits her with "reinventing the girdle." Jezebel has a slightly different take, saying her "ingenious idea" was to "combine insecurity, enormous underpants, and elastic sausage casings."

Still, her net worth of $1 billion isn't bad considering she started the company in her 20s when she had all of $5,000 to her name. "I can't hear that I am on that list without laughing," Blakely tells the Tampa newspaper.

"I can't help but think of the days when my job was to cold call people in Clearwater to try and sell them fax machines and how many of them said, 'No, no, no.'"

Ibobi Heads For Delhi To Meet Congress Leadership

Imphal, Mar 9 : Manipur Chief Minister Okram Ibobi Singh left for New Delhi Thursday to consult Congress president Sonia Gandhi and other party leaders on the formation of the next government in the state.

State party unit chief Gaikhangam accompanied the chief minister.

The election of the Congress Legislature Party (CLP) leader by the party chief would pave way for the formation of the next government in the state.

A meeting of the CLP had already arrived at a consensus that Gandhi would take the final call on the CLP leader, and members have agreed to accept the choice.

Party sources, however, informed that there are three front runners for the top post this time - Ibobi Singh, Gaikhangam and senior party leader Y. Erabot. However, Ibobi Singh is likely to be the choice considering his credentials, the sources said.

Sources further informed that the chief minister had already tendered his resignation to Governor Gurbachan Jagat. The governor accepted the resignation but asked him to continue in the charge till formation of the new government.

The term of the outgoing Manipur assembly will expire on March 15 and it is expected that an official order regarding the formation of the next government will be issued before March 12.

Taking Hills And Plains Along

By S Mangi Singh

Congress continues its rule in Imphal as the opposition fractures, capitulates

On the morning of March 6, just as the counting for the 10th state assembly elections began in Manipur, Gaikhangam, the president of the Manipur Pradesh Congress Committee, said on AIR Imphal that he was expecting an unprecedented victory for his party. Even he would not have presumed what the final picture would turn out to be in the evening — the Congress winning a clear two-thirds majority, with 42 seats. Before 2012, no party has won a majority in any of the previous nine state elections. In an assembly of 60 seats, the most a party achieved was the mid-mark of 30 — a feat which the Congress achieved on two occasions.

This success becomes all the more significant in view of the “ban” on the Congress — no one should contest in the party ticket or join its rallies or campaigns — announced by the Coordinating Committee (CoreCom) formed by six insurgent groups: the Kangleipak Communist Party, the Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup, the People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK), the PREPAK (Pro), the United National Liberation Front and the United People’s Party of Kangleipak. The ban proved thoroughly ineffective in stemming the surge in favour of the Congress. This evokes a parallel from 2007 when the Congress had successfully withstood another major challenge — from the Manipur People’s Party, which seemed to embody a resurgent spirit of regionalism.

Many factors have contributed to the sweep. The Congress is the only party with a statewide base, enjoying support in both the hills and the plains. It has been the only party that could file nominations in most, if not all, of the 60 seats in all the assembly elections held so far. Besides the particular political tendency displayed by the people of the state to vote for the party that is in power at the Centre, Manipuris went with the Congress because of its promise of stability. Since 2002, the Congress has led two coalition ministries, each lasting a full term, contributing to the overwhelming perception that only it could provide a stable government.

This time, the Congress showed its winnability in the hills, from getting just five seats in 2007 it has won 14 of 20 seats — of these five are Naga-dominated constituencies, eight are Kuki-Chin-Mizo-dominated and one from the only three constituencies that saw a close fight between the Nagas and the Kuki-Chin-Mizo groups.

In the four valley districts, with 40 constituencies, the Congress won 28.

There was a complete capitulation of opposition parties — even the former opposition leader, NCP’s Radhabinod Koijam, has lost. The opposition in Manipur has always been a heterogeneous group lacking unity and unable to provide any policy alternative to the ruling party. This was all the more pronounced this time. Of all the opposition parties in the previous assembly, only the NCP has managed to win one seat this time. For the first time, the Manipur People’s Party has failed to win a seat in the assembly. However, the Manipur State Congress Party (MSCP), which was completely routed in 2007, has made a triumphant return, winning five seats. The Trinamool Congress too made a grand entry into the state assembly, winning seven. The elections also saw three women getting elected.

The success of the Congress is also a vote for the protection of the territorial integrity of the state. The party has always been vocal about its commitment to it. Meanwhile, the Naga People’s Front (NPF) won only four seats, speaking volumes about the people’s response to its demand for merging the Naga-inhabited areas of the state into Nagaland or a Greater Nagaland; or for making the Naga-inhabited areas a separate political unit. The NPF lost in eight of the 12 seats it contested, even though 11 of them are Naga-dominated constituencies, The four hill districts are considered to be land of the Nagas, but the NPF won only one each in Ukhrul and Chandel districts, and another two in Senapati.

The NPF drew a blank in Tamenglong district, which is predominantly inhabited by Zeliangrong Nagas, bringing to the fore the differences among the Nagas, especially between the Zeliangrong Nagas and other Naga tribes.

The writer is a professor at the department of political science, Manipur University

Campus Protects Aizawl's Ecology

Aizawl, Mar 7 : Aizawl city dwellers manage to breathe fresh air despite the rapid urbanization and large scale deforestation, thanks to a reserve forest maintained a city college.

The 138-acre verdant reserve forest maintained by Pachhunga University College surrounding the campus contributes a lot to the city's maintaining ecological balance amidst the rapid global warming which does not spare the naturally-air-conditioned Mizoram.

Environment and Forests Minister H Rohluna highly praised the college for maintain such a thick reserve forest in the congested Aizawl city which has become a concrete jungle. "Large scale deforestation has left adverse effects on our climatic conditions and soil.

We need to protect Mizoram from rapid depletion of forest," Rohluna said, while speaking at eological conservation awareness programme, jointly organised by the PUC and the state's environment and forests department at the college today.

The forests minister also emphasised the need to be cautious about forest fire, as a single fire incident can within minutes destroy forests that need many years to form. UD&PA minister Zodintluanga, who also attended the programme, lauded the college for maintaining the reserve forest which has five to six lakh grown-up trees.

"The college sets an example to the entire Mizoram in conservation of forests," he said. Dr H Lalruatsanga, assistant professor of botany department, highlighted the college's activities in wildlife and environment protection and sought for public cooperation.

He said the college's reserve forest produced a huge amount of oxygen for Aizawl. Different types of animals are living in the reserve forest. The ecological conservation awareness programme was attended by the college's stalwarts like MLA Dr R Lalthangliana, ex-Speaker Lalchamliana, former minister Dr Lalzama and former MLA Dr J V Hluna.

Seeking Refuge: The Chin People in Mizoram

Illegal Aliens or Refugees? 100,000 Burmese Chin Christians in India (Photo: The Christian Post) (l-r) Dan Kosten, chair of Refugee Council USA; Joel Charny, vice president for humanitarian policy and practice at InterAction; Matthew Wilch, U.S. human rights lawyer and lead writer of the report; and Jenny Yang, director of advocacy and policy for the Refugee and Immigration Program at World Relief, at a press conference for the release of the report "Seeking Refuge: The Chin People in Mizoram State"

Washington, D.C.  – Some 100,000 ethnic Chins from Burma have fled torture and religious persecution in their homeland to take refuge in Mizoram state in eastern India, where they make up an astounding 10 percent of the population – but on paper – they don't exist. This problem – the Chins' legal non-existence in Mizoram – brought together a panel of humanitarian experts on Tuesday in Washington, D.C., to raise awareness about the plight of this highly overlooked ethnic group – 90 percent of which is Christian – at a media event for the release of the 134-page report, "Seeking Refuge: The Chin People in Mizoram State, India."

"Partially due to difficulty with access into Chin state in Burma and Mizoram in India, there has been much less focus on the Chin situation than it really warrants," said Joel Charny, vice president for humanitarian policy and practice at Interaction, the largest alliance of U.S.-based relief and development organizations.
"This report shines a badly need light on a painful, neglected situation."

The Chin people are from Chin State in western Burma. Since 1988, tens of thousands of Chins have fled to neighboring Mizoram to escape ethnic, political, and religious persecution under the notorious Burmese military regime. There are an estimated 100,000 Chins in Mizoram state. Until January 2011, foreigners were not allowed into the eastern Indian state.

A delegation, that included panel members, traveled to India from April 7 through May 2, 2011, to assess the situation of the Chin people in Mizoram. What they found was a little-reported, long-term, urban refugee problem that included the Chins in India being considered illegal aliens and therefore in constant danger of arrest, fines, and deportation – even though they could face torture and death if returned home.

Because the Chins in Mizoram are undocumented and not recognized as refugees, they cannot obtain legal work and mostly resort to manual labor, farm work, construction work, selling goods in markets, and maid service to earn a living. It is not unusual for them to be underpaid, but they cannot report it to local authorities out of fear of being arrested or deported.

Matthew Wilch, a U.S. human rights lawyer and the lead writer of the report, described the Chins' financial situation in Mizorum as "chronic economic instability." Eviction of Chin families from their rented home is very common.

It is especially hard for Chin children born in Mizoram because they are stateless and their parents often don't have enough money to enroll them in school.

Jenny Yang, director of advocacy and policy for the Refugee and Immigration program at World Relief and a member of the team that visited Mizoram last year, said, "[I]t (the 2011 trip to Mizoram) was also unique in that there was virtually no international presence, no non-government organization. And UNHCR didn't have a presence at all, which meant that the protection challenges and humanitarian challenges that the refugees face was that much more urgent because they have no international body providing protection for this group of people."

Yang recalled that during the trip to Mizoram, she met a woman who was crying while recalling her plight. The Chin woman shared to Yang that Burmese military officials had detained and tortured her 18-year-old brother out of suspicion that he was a pro-democracy activist. After two weeks of being tortured in jail, her brother died. His body was released to her parents and it was after this that the Burmese military realized that her brother was not a pro-democracy activist but only a student.

The woman said that her other brother was also tortured in jail, and his left hand was cut off. With only one hand left, her brother fled to Mizoram to escape being detained again. Back in Chin State, the woman was a teacher and had two children. But one day she reported to authorities that one of her 14-year-old students was raped by two Burmese soldiers. While at the market that week, the woman's friends informed her that Burmese authorities were at her home. Upon hearing that, she fled to Mizoram, where she lives with her handicapped brother and her parents.

"There is no assistance program or protection for them whatsoever in Mizoram," Yang stressed. "Even as these refugees are fleeing persecution in Burma, they flee to India where there is no protection for them at all, and the fear they have is perpetual – not just in Burma but in India as well.

"Without the legal status of a lot of these refugees, without some sort of documentation, what we found is that this lack of protection has affected literally every single aspect of their lives: their livelihood, their access to healthcare, their access to education, and literally every aspect of their lives. They live not only in fear, but on the margins of a society because they are not recognized as refugee in Mizoram state."

The panel recommendation includes that the central government of India maintain the lifting of the Restricted Area Permit (RAP) so that humanitarian organizations, governments and individuals can travel to Mizoram state to meet with those affected by the Chin refugee problem and find a solution.

It also recommends the Indian government and UNHCR establish and maintain refugee protection for Chins in partnership with the international community, and for the Indian government to provide Chins with legal status and access to legal and court protections so they will be freed from the threat of arrest and deportation.

Another recommendation is for the United States, United Kingdom, Japan, Australia, Canada, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, New Zealand, the Czech Republic and other countries and the European Union to partner with the central government of India and Mizoram to provide refugee protection and assistance to Chins.

India's Mizoram state is overwhelmingly Christian, with 95 percent of the 1 million population being followers of Jesus.

"I cannot overstate the importance of the Christian community and church in Mizoram state," noted Jenny Yang. "The influence of the church, whether it is the Presbyterian church, the Baptist church, or the Catholic church especially, is critical and they will continue to be critical in providing any kind of assistance to refugees in the future."

On the web:  chinseekingrefuge.com