Assam Election: No Matter Who Wins, AGP Likely to Be a Net Loser

BJP has taken away a number of winnable seats from AGP and given it constituencies where Congress-AIUDF is strong.

By Aditya Menon

The Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) – a party that was founded in 1985 as a result of the Assam agitation and became synonymous with Assamese pride – is now being seen as the weak link in the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA).

On the other hand, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which began as a junior partner of the AGP, has now actively sidelined the latter. And this process has happened under the leadership of Chief Minister Sarbananda Sonowal, who himself used to be in the AGP.

Irrespective of whether the NDA comes out victorious on 2 May or if the Congress-led 10-party Grand Alliance manages to turn the tables, one thing is clear – the AGP could emerge weaker than ever before.

Though the party managed to get 26 seats from the BJP, a closer look at the seats it has been given shows that a majority of these seats are not winnable.

There are four reasons for this.This includes former CM and AGP founder Prafulla Mahanta's seat Barhampur, which he has won six times since 1991. Though Mahanta is not in good health, his supporters believe he would still have been able to win the seat and taking it away was nothing but cussedness on the part of the BJP.

What has hurt Mahanta's supporters even more is that the AGP top brass – such as party president Atul Bora – agreed to the move to give Mahanta's seat to the BJP.

Now, Barhampur may become a tough seat for the NDA, with Congress putting up a strong candidate in Suresh Bora, who had narrowly lost to Mahanta in 2016.

If Mahanta's loyal voters – those who may have been given jobs or other forms of help by the former CM over the past three decades – decide to vote against the NDA, it could spell trouble for the ruling alliance.

The other such seats won by the AGP in 2016 that have been taken away by the BJP are Kamalpur, Lakhimpur, Naharkatia, and Patacharkuchi. In Kamalpur, sitting AGP MLA Satyabrat Kalita has since moved to the Congress.

The case of Patacharkuchi is interesting as Assam BJP President Ranjit Dass has taken the seat from the AGP. Apparently, Dass wanted a safe seat after his own seat Sorbhog became difficult due to the Congress' alliance with the All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) and the Left, all of whom have a presence in the constituency.

The Sarupathar seat is also important in this context. The AGP lost this seat narrowly last time and may have fancied its chances of winning it this time but now even that seat has been taken by the BJP.

Apparently all these seats were taken by the BJP with the full consent of the AGP leadership, which clearly shows the unequal power equation between the two parties.

This is in complete contrast to the time when the BJP was a junior partner to the AGP.

2. BJP Hands Over 8 of Its Own Tough Seats to AGP

The second category is of eight seats that the BJP had contested in 2016 but which have now become difficult due to the Congress-AIUDF alliance and have now been put in the AGP's quota.

The BJP insiders say this is a tactical decision as these are Muslim-dominated seats and the community may be more open to voting for an AGP candidate than a BJP one. But one can't ignore the fact that these seats may no longer be winnable for the NDA due to the sheer strength of the Congress-AIUDF arithmetic there.

These seats include Mankachar, Senga, Bhabanipur, Karimganj South, Raha, Goalpara East, Goalpara West, and Naobaicha.

Among these, the AGP had a friendly contest with the BJP in Naobaicha and Goalpara West last time, but the BJP did much better than the AGP and yet these seats have been given to the latter.

Raha interestingly has a BJP MLA but the seat has become difficult due to the Congress-AIUDF alliance.

However, from an arithmetic point of view, the AGP may still be in the contest in Raha, Bhabanipur, and Naoboicha, but the other five may be very difficult for it due to a very high combined vote share of the Congress and AIUDF.

3. Nine AGP Seats That Have Become Tough Due to the Congress-AIUDF Alliance

Then there are nine seats which were in the AGP quota even last time but have now become almost unwinnable due to the Congress-AIUDF alliance. These include Algapur, Abhayapuri North, Abhayapuri South, Barpeta, Sarukhetri, Boko, Chaygaon, Dalgaon, and Jamunamukh.

Except Chaygaon, the combined vote share of the Congress and AIUDF based on 2016 figures is 58 percent and above in all the seats, making them almost certain for the alliance.

In Dalgaon, the combined vote share of the two parties exceeds 80 percent.

Interestingly, the AGP had managed to win Barpeta last time due to a split in votes between the Congress and the AIUDF. The Congress polled 35 percent votes and the AIUDF 23, while the AGP emerged victorious with a vote share of 39 percent. With the Congress and AIUDF contesting in alliance, it would be very difficult for AGP to retain this seat, even if there isn't a complete transfer of votes between the two parties.

4. Challenger Within AGP’s Ideological Space

If one factors in the difficulty the AGP is facing in the seats above, it would leave just nine seats where it has a good chance of winning: Bongaigaon, Guwahati West, Tezpur, Kaliabor, Bokakhat, Chabua, Amguri, Teok, and Dergaon.

But even in these seats, it’s easier said than done for the AGP. The party is facing a major challenge from the newly formed Assam Jatiya Parishad and its ally Rajior Dal. Formed by the All Assam Students' Union and Asom Jatiyabadi Yuva Chatra Parishad, the AJP is trying to occupy the same ideological space as the AGP.

With the AGP weakening in strength and compromising on issues like the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, a need was felt for a new Assamese nationalist outfit and hence the AJP was formed.

Among the AGP's seats, the AJP-RD alliance is likely to give a strong challenge in seats like Chabua, the epicentre of the anti-CAA protests, besides the other Upper Assam seats like Amguri, Degaon, Kaliabor, and Bokakhat.

In Amguri, the AGP is also faced with a strong Congress candidate, Angkita Dutta.

There are structural problems, too, that the AGP is facing. Ground reports suggest that tea garden workers – a crucial vote bank especially in Upper Assam – are slightly less enthusiastic about AGP candidates than BJP candidates. This could prove crucial in closely contested seats between the AGP and Congress, which used to control this vote bank earlier.

The AGP may be heading for one of its worst performances ever in terms of number of seats. In the end, its top leadership like Atul Bora and Keshab Mahanta may have succeeded in securing their own seats, the AGP may end up being a net loser, creating a vacuum that newer parties like the AJP will try to fill.

Source: The Quint

Centre admits to earning Rs 33 per litre from petrol, Rs 32 from diesel; says no plan to bring fuel under GST

The central government on Monday informed Parliament that it earns almost Rs 33 from the sale of every litre of petrol and Rs 32 from per litre of diesel.

Centre earns around Rs 33 on the sale of each litre of petrol, the govt has told Lok Sabha | Picture Credits: PTI

Even as the petrol and diesel prices continued to stay at the all-time high for the 16^th straight day on Monday, the Centre told Parliament that it earns a huge amount of revenue from fuel via excise duty, cess and surcharge.

The central government admitted that, since May 6, 2020, it has been earning Rs 33 per litre of petrol and Rs 32 on a litre of diesel in form of central excise duty, including basic excise duty, cess and surcharge.

In comparison, between March and May 5, 2020, the central government’s per litre earning on petrol and diesel was almost Rs 23 and Rs 19, respectively on one litre of diesel (SEE TABLE).

Table: Details of total central excise duty, including basic excise duty, cess and surcharge.

Between January 1, 2020, and March 13, 2020, only Rs 20 on a litre of petrol and Rs 16 on a litre of diesel were going to the Centre.

This means, compared to January 1, 2020, the government earning were up by Rs 13 on each litre of petrol and Rs 16 on diesel.

POLITICAL FLAK OVER PRICE FREEZE

The government has been facing political flak for both a high levy on fuels and for putting a freeze on fuel prices as five state assemblies head towards polls.

The opposition has been questioning the “politically fixed freeze” in fuel prices as rates of petroleum products in the country are benchmarked to international product prices.

In reply to a query in Lok Sabha, MoS Finance Anurag Thakur informed that “generally, the prices of petroleum products in the country are higher/lower than other countries due to a variety of factors, including prevailing tax regime and subsidy compensations by the respective governments, the details of which are not maintained by the government”.

Justifying the high levies on fuel, he said, “The excise duty rates have been calibrated to generate resources for infrastructure and other developmental items of expenditure keeping in view the present fiscal position.”

“Consumer Price Index-Combined (CPI-C) inflation has declined from 7.59 per cent in January 2020 to 4.06 per cent in January 2021. CPI—‘Petrol for vehicle’ inflation has increased from 7.38 per cent in January 2020 to 12.53 per cent in January 2021. CPI—‘Diesel for vehicle’ inflation has increased from 6.44 per cent in January 2020 to 12.79 per cent in January 2021,” he said.

The government has, however, been silent on why the oil companies have not changed prices for over two weeks when the prices of fuels are linked to global crude prices and calibrated daily.

The last time prices were calibrated was on February 27, 2021, when the petrol price was hiked by 24 paise per litre and diesel raised by 15 paise.

Meanwhile, consumers continue to pay high prices for fuels despite the freeze all over the country. On Monday, unbranded petrol was retailing in Delhi at Rs 91.17 per litre while diesel was Rs 81.47. In Mumbai, petrol was retailing at Rs 97.57, while diesel cost Rs 88.60.

CENTRE-STATE SHARE IN FUEL TAXES

In February, the price of petrol had crashed past the Rs 100-mark in two places in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. These two states levy the highest VAT on fuel in the country.

The central and state levies make up for 60 per cent of the retail selling price of petrol and over 54 per cent of diesel price. If a consumer is paying Rs 100 for a litre of petrol, almost Rs 33 goes to the Centre, while it’s Rs 32 on a litre of diesel.

The states cannot complain as not only they charge their own levies but also get 42 per cent of the central collections, excluding the cess and surcharge component, as their share, as per the finance commission recommendation.

‘NO PLANS TO INCLUDE FUEL IN GST LIST’

While experts have said that the only way to provide relief to the consumer is to add fuels to the GST list, the states and Centre are reluctant to do so, given the revenue the fuels bring in to them.

Replying to question on inclusion of fuels in the GST regime, Anurag Thakur told Lok Sabha: “Article 366 of the Constitution provides “Goods and Services Tax” means any tax on supply of goods, or services or both except taxes on the supply of the alcoholic liquor for human consumption. Thus, the supply of above petroleum products is not excluded from the purview of GST.”

However, he added, “Article 279 A (5) of the Constitution prescribes that the Goods and Service Tax Council shall recommend the date on which the goods and services tax be levied on petroleum crude, high-speed diesel, motor spirit (commonly known as petrol), natural gas and aviation turbine fuel (ATF), also as per the Section 9(2) of the CGST.”

Through the finance minister, the government informed the House that inclusion of these products in the GST list will require the recommendation of the GST Council.

In a signal that the government is staying non-committal on the issue, Anurag Thakur told Lok Sabha: “So far, the GST Council, in which the states are also represented, has not made any recommendation for inclusion of these goods under GST. The Council may consider the issue of inclusion of these five petroleum products at a time it considers appropriate keeping in view all the relevant factors including revenue implication.

“At present, there is no proposal to bring crude petroleum, petrol, diesel, ATF and natural gas under GST. As regards other by-products the same are already under GST,” he said.

Do You Experience Secual Regret?

Experiencing sexual regret doesn’t appear to result in less regrettable behavior in the future. New research explores why women tend to regret engaging in casual sex while men tend to regret passing up such opportunities. Sexual regret does not appear to serve an adaptive function.

Experiencing sexual regret doesn’t appear to result in less regrettable behavior in the future

New research explores why women tend to regret engaging in casual sex while men tend to regret passing up such opportunities

by Beth Ellwood

Men and women often experience different forms of regret when it comes to casual sex — women tend to regret having casual sexual encounters, and men tend to regret not having them. While some researchers have suggested that these differences reflect contrasting sexual strategies, according to a study published in Evolutionary Psychology, sexual regret does not appear to serve an adaptive function.

Sexual strategies theory posits that women are less likely to seek casual sexual encounters than men are. This is because, as child-bearers, the cost of casual sex with an uninvested partner is greater for women than it is for men. It has been proposed that these different mating strategies might explain why men and women show different forms of regret concerning casual sex. These regret differences could be adaptive in that they may cause men and women to change their future sexual behaviors accordingly.

As researchers Leif Edward Ottesen Kennair and his colleagues say, no studies have yet explored whether sexual regret appears to be adaptive or not. The researchers say that sexual regret could also reflect stable individual differences in sociosexual attitudes — that is, attitudes toward uncommitted sexual relations. If this is the case, sexual regret should not change behavior.

“We have been collaborating with David Buss for a long time. He co-authored a paper on the evolutionary psychology of short-term sexual regret (Galperin et al., 2013), and suggested that we ought to consider whether the sex difference also existed in the more gender egalitarian and sexually liberal (compared with the US) Norway,” explained Kennair, a professor of psychology at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology.

“We did and published a replication of the original findings in 2016: men more than women regret passing up short-term sex, while women more than men regret having had short-term sex. We also considered some of the proximate mechanisms proposed by Galperin. We replicated these findings in two new papers the next years in collaboration with Buss’ lab, considering among other differences between the US and Norway on sexual liberal attitudes and religiosity and other proximate mechanisms.”

“The research confirmed the predictive power of Sexual Strategies Theory,” Kennair said. “However, no research had throughout the years considered the ultimate function proposed by Galperin et al.: That short-term regret should improve future sexual choices / adaptive behavior.”

For their new work, the researchers conducted a longitudinal study to examine whether men’s and women’s current sexual regret would predict changes in their future behavior and their future regret. Students between the ages of 18 and 30 completed online questionnaires that addressed their thoughts and behaviors concerning their most recent casual sex encounters. At Time 1, 399 students participated. Around 5 months later, 222 of these respondents completed the questionnaire again.

In line with previous research, the results showed that women regretted having had casual sex significantly more than men did, while men regretted having missed opportunities for casual sex more than women did. However, the researchers found little evidence to suggest that sexual regret served an adaptive function, as it did not appear to affect the participants’ behavior.

---

---

First, regret for having had casual sex reported at Time 1 was not linked to a smaller number of sexual partners at Time 2. Regret for having missed out on casual sex reported at Time 1 was not linked to a greater number of one-night stands reported at Time 2.

“An important aspect of a functional emotion is that it should produce change in behavior, and thus reduce the necessity of experiencing the emotion . . . It was therefore surprising, from a functional perspective, that regret as counterfactual cognitive-emotional process was both continuous and relatively stable across different one-night stands for the same participants,” the researchers wrote in their study.

Instead, the findings supported the idea that sexual regret reflects either stable, individual factors or contextual factors. Across both waves, sexual disgust was a consistent predictor of casual sex regret. Subjects’ attitudes toward uncommitted sex were also linked to casual sex regret, but only at the first assessment and not at Time 2. Finally, respondents who rated their latest casual sex partner higher in terms of attractiveness as a short-term partner, and respondents who reported having taken the initiative to engage in casual sex showed lower regret at Time 1.

“I believe Edith Piaff sang the best summary: She regrets nothing,” Kennair told PsyPost. “Most people regret a legion of different choices. Maybe we actually regret bad choices we repeat, such as bad lifestyle and health behavior choices. And we keep making those bad choices. Regretting these might not change our behavior. Maybe instead of reducing our mood, in an indirect attempt at motivating future behavioral change, we should focus on changing behavior directly, here and now.”

The researchers added that their study is preliminary, but the findings cautiously suggest that regret does not offer an adaptive function that changes behavior in any logical way, offering no evidence for mating strategy shifts.

“Galperin et al. did not specify what more adaptive future sexual behavior might be,” Kennair explained. “While maybe inaction regret resulting in less inaction (i.e. saying yes to the sex next time it is on offer) is maybe an obvious behavioral change, it is not completely clear. Also, despite being an unusual longitudinal study, we might need to repeat measures more times and across a longer time period. It is surprising how many people find regret to be adaptive, but how little research actually tests whether it really is adaptive.”

“We are evolutionary psychologists,” Kennair added. “So in general we test hypotheses based on evolutionary theory and describe mental adaptations. However, all our manifest behavior is not adaptive or the result of adaptations. Some phenomena like regret and rumination may not be adaptive.”

The study, “The Function of Casual Sex Action and Inaction Regret: A Longitudinal Investigation”, was authored by Leif Edward Ottesen Kennair, Trond Viggo Grøntvedt, and Mons Bendixen.

Mizoram group urges Centre to impose sanctions on Myanmar

A Mizoram-based group representing the Zo indigenous folks of India, Bangladesh and Myanmar has petitioned President Ram Nath Kovind and Prime Minister Narendra Modi to impose sanctions on military-ruled Myanmar.

The Zo Reunification Organisation (ZORO) comprising the Chin-Kuki-Mizo-Zomi group of individuals has additionally requested the Centre to not flip away Myanmar nationals who crossed over to flee the navy regime and supply them shelter on humanitarian grounds.

 

Their letters to the President and Prime Minister had been submitted by way of Mizoram Governor P.S. Sreedharan Pillai on March 12, two days after the Minister of Home Affairs requested the paramilitary Assam Rifles and 4 northeastern States bordering Myanmar to examine “illegal influx” into India.

Strong ties

Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram share a 1,643-km-long border with Myanmar, and other people on both facet are ethnically associated. The Mizo folks of Mizoram and the Kuki-Zomi communities in Manipur have a powerful kinship with the Chins throughout the border.

The ZORO sought Delhi’s assist for the restoration of democracy in Myanmar and speedy launch of State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, President U. Wint Myint and different leaders of the National League for Democracy, who’ve been detained after the junta seized management of an elected Myanmar authorities on February 1.

The organisation stated India ought to take the lead in fixing the present political disaster in Myanmar by imposing sanctions on the navy junta for human rights violations. “We request you to take up the matter on a war footing to save innocent lives and in the best interests of supporting democracy in line with the international community,” it stated within the letters.

Six Mizoram districts – Champhai, Lawngtlai, Siaha, Saitual, Hnahthial and Serchhip – share a 404-km-long porous border with Myanmar’s Chin State. At least 100 folks, together with deserters of the Myanmar police and hearth service division, have taken shelter within the border areas of Mizoram.

Mizoram Chief Minister Zoramthanga had earlier introduced that his authorities would supply shelter and different aid to the Myanmar refugees on humanitarian grounds. While some refugees are being supplied with meals and shelter by the district administration, a number of others have been reportedly accommodated by the locals in border villages.

Manipur CM allocates agriculture machinery to farmers, financial aid to artisans

According to an official release, the distribution function was jointly organised by the Manipur government's Department of Agriculture and Directorate of Handlooms and Textiles.

Imphal, Mar 15 : Manipur Chief Minister N Biren Singh distributed agriculture machinery and equipment to farmers and financial assistance of ₹10,000 for handicraft tool kits under North East Region Textile Promotion Scheme to 1,500 artisans in Imphal on Saturday.

"Immensely glad to distribute financial assistance for handicrafts tool kits under North East Region Textile Promotion Scheme to 1500 handicrafts artisans through DBT, and Agriculture Machineries and Equipment under Sub-Mission of Agriculture Mechanization (SMAM) Scheme to farmers of different districts today." the Chief Minister tweeted on Saturday.

According to an official release, the distribution function was jointly organised by the Manipur government's Department of Agriculture and Directorate of Handlooms and Textiles. Speaking at the occasion, Chief Minister Singh said that agriculture is an important sector that has largely contributed to the economy of the country.

"As such the State Government had taken up certain measures to save agricultural land with coordination among various departments of the government. Stating that possession of tool kits as a priority for developing any product, he announced that the financial assistance given to handicraft artisans would be increased to Rs. 20,000 from next year," he said.

He also informed about an exhibition of the local product "Mai-own 2021" that will be organised from March 16 to March 22 at Hapta Kangjeibung. He also stressed the need for reviving the old food items and culture of the State. He said,"The state has been advancing towards development in different fields due to the contributions and support of the people."

"Farmers Getting Poorer, Government Officials Richer": Meghalaya Governor

Satya Pal Malik said if the Centre gives legal guarantee of the minimum support price (MSP) for crops, farmers will relent.

The Meghalaya Governor claimed to have prevented the arrest of farmer leader Rakesh Tikait. (FILE)

Baghpat, Mar 15 : Siding with farmers protesting the Centre's new agriculture laws, Meghalaya Governor Satya Pal Malik here on Sunday urged Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah not to offend them.

Speaking at an event in his home district, Malik said if the Centre gives legal guarantee of the minimum support price (MSP) for crops, farmers will relent.

The Meghalaya Governor also claimed that he prevented the arrest of farmer leader Rakesh Tikait when he heard rumours about it.

Malik further said he had requested the prime minister and the home minister not to use force against farmers, and not to send them home from Delhi empty-handed.

"None of the laws are in favour of farmers. The country in which farmers and soldiers are not satisfied, that country cannot move ahead. That country cannot be saved. Hence, the Army and farmers should be kept satisfied," Malik said urging PM Modi and Home Minister Shah not to offend them.

Describing the condition of farmers as bad, Malik said, "They are getting poorer day by day while the salary of government officials and staff increases after every three years. Whatever is sown by a farmer is cheap and whatever he buys is expensive."

"They do not know how they are becoming poor. The 'satyanaash' (annihilation) of the farmers is taking place without their knowledge. When they go to sow (crops), there is some price, and when they go to reap it, the price decreases by almost ₹ 300," Malik said.

Taking a jibe at the arguments offered in favour of the new farm laws, Malik said, "A lot of noise was created that farmers can now sell (crops) at any place. This is a 15-year-old law. Despite this, when a farmer from Mathura goes to Palwal with wheat, there is a lathicharge on him. When a farmer from Sonipat comes to Narela, there is a lathicharge on him."

"There are many questions of farmers, which must be answered. Today, there is no law in favour of farmers. This has to be corrected. I want to assure you that in the matter of farmers, I will go to any extent to solve their problems," he said.

Apparently referring to Sikh farmers protesting against the laws, Malik said, "The Sikh community does not back down and forget things even after 300 years."

Listen to the latest songs, only on JioSaavn.com

"Indira Gandhi (ex-PM) had got the 'Mahamrityunjay Mantra Jaap' done for a month after the Operation Blue Star. Arun Nehru told me that when he asked her that you do not believe is such rituals, then why are you performing these, she said you don't know, I have damaged their 'Akal Takht'. They will not spare me."

‘Taxation’ by armed groups forcing businesses out: Nagaland trade body

Almost a year after Nagaland Governor R.N. Ravi poked the State government for letting “armed gangs” reign and carry out “gunpoint extortions”, the State’s largest trade body has warned of such groups driving businesses out.

The Dimapur Chamber of Commerce and Industry (DCCI), based in Nagaland’s commercial hub, said “unabated taxation” by the government and “Naga political groups (NPGs)” — a euphemism for armed extremist groups — had made many traders shift base to Assam.

The traders have been forced to exit Nagaland because they have had enough of paying 50-75% of their profit margin to the NPGs, the DCCI said in a statement issued on Saturday evening.

While Assam has gained, the business volume of Nagaland has shrunk by 60-75%, the DCCI said as it advised the State government to wake up to this alarming development and try to regain the market lost.

The BJP is the minor partner in the alliance government headed by Neiphiu Rio of the Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party.

The trade body said the business scenario in Nagaland has hit its lowest ebb because of being taxed heavily. “If the State government and the NPGs do not take immediate corrective steps, business in Nagaland is heading towards a point of no return,” it warned.

The DCCI gave the example of Manipur-bound businesses that shifted to Silchar in southern Assam over the last few years. These businesses depended on goods and services to and from Manipur via the highway linking Dimapur and Manipur capital Imphal.

These businesses are now focussed on the alternative highway to Imphal, via Jiribam bordering southern Assam. “Consequently, the chain-support business such as hotels, transport and wayside dhabas in Nagaland have been hit hard,” the DCCI said.

The trade body also said the number of monthly train wagons arriving at the Dimapur railway station has come down to a ‘miserable’ 20 from 120 a year ago. The number of trucks entering Nagaland has similarly reduced drastically, it said.

“In this age where consumers are highly aware of their rights, and with the GST regime in place, any GST product being sold above MRP is near impossible and also an offence, and hence the business community in Nagaland sells any products on MRP.”

But while traders in Nagaland get the same profit margin as their counterparts elsewhere in the country, they have to shell out 50-75% of it in ‘taxes’ to the NPGs on average, the DCCI said.

‘Khela hobe’: Game’s on in Assam too, with a twist – Times of India

 

GUWAHATI: Trinamool Congress’s viral election jingle “Khela hobe (the game is on)” is resonating in Assam with some Congress improvisation and BJP gamesmanship.

In the Bengali-majority constituencies, Congress candidates like former minister Rockybul hussain have been treading the fine line between inspiration and copyright violation to own Mamata Banerjee‘s chant.

“Khela, khela, khela hobe, ei bar Congress sarkar hobe (the game is on, this time Congress will form government), ”Hussain declared at a rally in Lumding on Saturday.

“It’s ‘khela hobe’ for our candidates Swapan Kar (Lumding) and Debabrata Saha (Hojai),” he said. Not to be left behind, minister and BJP strategist Himanta Biswa Sarma turned around the slogan to project himself as a striker up against a non-existent goalkeeper.

“Khela to hobe, kintu goalkeeper thakbe na. Ami khali shoot korte thakbo. Joto ta shambhab, toto ta goal hoye jaabe (The game will be played, but without a goalkeeper. I will only keep shooting at the goal and it’s more likely than the ball will hit the target). ”

Sarma may have been alluding to the West Bengal CM’s remark at a rally in her state a few days ago. “Khela hobe.” Aami goalkeeper. Dekhi ke jete (The game is on. I will be the goalkeeper. Let us see who wins). ” The slogan has also reverberated in ‘Independent’ territory. Riding the khela hobe wave, former BJP MLA Dilip Paul, contesting Silchar as an Independent, announced at a rally that he was up for the game.

“Ei matite khela hobe, Dilip Paul er joi hobe (The game will be played on this ground and Dilip Paul will win).” The jingle, written by TMC spokesperson Debangshu Bhattacharya, went viral soon after it was uploaded on YouTube. Several variations have been released in Bengal since.

Source link