Ending Violence Against Women From Northeast India

By Binalakshmi Nepram

On 29 May 2013, AS Reingamphi from Choithar village, Ukhrul district of Manipur was found dead in her rented accommodation at Chirag Dilli under Malviya Nagar Police Station in Delhi. There were signs of brutal assault on her nose, face and legs.

The deceased girl’s relatives submitted a complaint letter to the police station charging the landlord and his brother-in-law of sexually assaulting and murdering Reingamphi, but no action was taken. It was only after three days of sustained pressure after hundreds of protestors gathered, that the police finally lodged an FIR under Section 306, which is abetment to suicide. This is in complete disregard of the preliminary post-mortem report, which does not mention the cause of her death, and against the wishes of the family who wanted the case to be filed under IPC 302 and 304. The reports of the two post-mortems conducted remain inconclusive about the cause of death. Meanwhile, the landlord and the police claim that the girl committed suicide and the injuries on her person were caused by rats. As protests continued in Delhi, the mortal remains of Reingamphy were taken to her native village in Manipur on 6 June 2013.

The death of Reingamphi is a tragic reminder of the continuous violence against women from the Northeast. But her death brought forth a united Northeast collective and women’s groups like never seen before in Delhi. However, questions about what has really changed after the brutal 16 December Delhi gang rape persist.

A large number of people from the Northeast travel to mega cities like Delhi, Bangalore, Mumbai, Pune and Hyderabad mainly for professional or academic purposes. According to the North East Support Centre & Helpline (NESC&H), over 414,850 people from Northeast India came to these mega cities of the country during the time period of 2005 and 2010. The national capital has emerged as one of the most preferred destinations for people from this region, ironically, in an effort to seek refuge from violent conflict in their hometown. Men and women from the Northeast are often subjected to racial discrimination and violence, often leading to severe beatings, and on some occasions, rape or death. It is alleged that almost half the women sexually harassed in the national capital and its neighbourhood are from the Northeast. And the numbers are only increasing. “Seventy-eight out of hundred people from Northeast India living in Delhi face racial discrimination, with crime against women, human trafficking and violence against people from the community emerging as major concerns”, reveals the 2011 research study by NESC.

The study further reveals that “more cases of violence and sexual harassment have come to the limelight since the past five to six years. Between the period of 2007 and 2011, NESC&H recorded 96 crimes against people from the Northeast in Delhi and NCR, of which, 58 percent happened against women, including molestation, human trafficking, beating, rape and attempt to rape. Challenges faced by people from the Northeast in Delhi have seen a shift from racial attacks to sexual violence and human trafficking. The last challenge is more worrisome compared to first and second. A very disturbing trend of sexual harassment by landlords has also come to the fore, and quite often, when victims approach the police for help, they are turned down by an indifferent attitude.

Some of the shocking incidents in the past include the case of Ramchanphy Hongray, a 19-year-old girl from Manipur who was sexually assaulted, strangled to death and burnt at her rented apartment at Munirka in south Delhi in 2009 by Pushpam Sinha, a PhD scholar working at the India Institute of Technology Delhi and the case of a young BPO employee from Mizoram who was kidnapped in 2010 from Dhaula Kuan in Delhi, gang raped and then dumped in an unconscious state.


A UN study titled launched on 28 May 2013, highlights that indigenous girls are at a heightened risk due to the multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination they face. It says that such discrimination has been caused or amplified by colonial domination, limited access to social services, militarisation and dispossession from ancestral lands – all of which increase the vulnerability of indigenous people to violence and limit their ability to seek protection and recourse.

Though the UN has a ‘Protection of Women under International Humanitarian law’, the question is, why are these laws not implemented, why do these laws remain only on paper instead of being put into action? The Delhi State Commission for Women has been set up under an Act of the Legislative Assembly of the National Capital Territory of Delhi, passed in 1994. The main objectives of the Commission are to ensure security, development and well-being of women in every sphere of national life and particularly to suggest and ensure implementation of steps against gender discrimination. Programmes and projects undertaken by the Delhi Commission for Women Security, are supposed to ensure the security of women in the capital, which includes physical security, domestic harmony and legal protection.

There is an urgent need for the authorities to launch a mass education and sensitisation programme for the police as well as the general public towards people of the Northeast. As per the recommendations submitted to Justice Verma Committee by our team at the Manipur Women Gun Survivors Network;

1. The government must initiate the setting up of special non-political bodies with the involvement of media and activists, for fact-finding and dealing with cases of violence against women and youth from Northeast India in major metropolitan cities of India.
2. Stricter laws should be in place against the perpetrators of such crimes and they should be given harsher punishments for stigma and discrimination.
3. A special and effective redressal cell should be present for women and youth from the Northeast.
4. A proper environment must be created for rehabilitation. Gender-sensitive and women-controlled economic rehabilitation for victims of violence must be prioritised.
5. Proper awareness and orientation to people of Northeast India, mainly students, about the cities.
6. An effective special mechanism to deal with safety of women from the Northeast.
7. More people from the Northeast in law enforcing agencies.
8. Use of media not to victimize, but clear stereotypical perceptions about people from the Northeast.

For a nation to develop, it has to overcome discriminations on the basis of gender, race, region and caste. For many people of Northeast India, the thrust to seek a new life away from insurgent politics brings them to Delhi and other metro cities of India where they are subjected to another form of violence and discrimination. To combat the rising violence, a sustained coordinated campaign needs to be launched to ensure protection of women from the Northeast both within and outside the region.
In the 1980s, when violence crept into the Manipur society, Manipuri women started the ‘Meira Paibi’ or ‘Women with Torches’ movement. “We marched through the streets at night with flaming torches to take the darkness away,” one of the founding members says. With the rise in violence against women and children in India today, we need a billion flaming torches to lift the darkness.

(Research support by Ms Sujata, Ms Ankitha, Ms Julia, Ms Ifra and Ms Gurung of the Manipur Women Gun Survivors Network)

WTF: In India Legal Age Sex = Marriage

Couple of right legal age indulging in sex are husband and wife: Madras HC

In a ruling which might have a far reaching impact, Madras High Court has said if a couple in the right legal age indulge in sexual gratification, it will be considered a valid marriage and they could be termed as husband and wife.

Chennai, Jun 18 :

"..if any couple choose to consummate their sexual cravings, then that act becomes a total commitment with adherence to all consequences that may follow, except on certain exceptional considerations," Justice CS Karnan said in his order.

He said that marriage formalities of tying a mangalsutra, garlands and rings were only for the satisfaction of society.  Either party could approach a family court for declaration of marital status by producing documentary proof for a sexual relationship.

The judge also said once such a declaration is obtained, the couple can establish self as each others' spouse in any government records.

Justice Karnan made these observations in his order Monday while modifying an April 2006 judgement of a family court in a maintenance case.

A family court in Coimbatore had ordered a man to pay Rs 500 maintenance per month to his two children and Rs 1000 as litigation expenses and had held that the woman's wedding with him did not have any documentary proof.

In his judgement, Justice Karnan directed the man to pay her maintenance of Rs 500 a month from the date of petition (September 2000) and that the arrears be paid within three months.

Mizoram Seeks More Security Fund

Aizawl, Jun 17 : Capitalising on the visit of the Union ministry of home affairs’ officer-on-special duty (OSD) to the state, the Mizoram government on Saturday underlined the need for security-related expenditure (SRE) in Mizoram, which is sandwiched between Myanmar and Bangladesh.

At a meeting here, Mizoram’s chief secretary informed the OSD, Anil Goswami, that the SRE from the ministry of home affairs excluded Mizoram on the ground that it was a peaceful state.

However, as Mizoram shares long porous borders with Myanmar and Bangladesh and insurgency-hit states in the Northeast, the state is very much in need of the fund like any other state in the region, if not more. “The non-receipt of SRE has hampered security measures in Mizoram,” the chief secretary told Goswami.

In response, officials said, Goswami assured him about taking all steps to include Mizoram in the list of SRE recipients. Intelligence sources said that Mizoram is a route for cross-border trafficking of arms as was evident from a recent haul of 33 AK-47 rifles.

In the important meeting with the visiting Union Home Secretary, Chief Secretary of Mizoram Mrs. L.Tochhawng apprised the latter that as Mizoram shares long boundary line with Myanmar and Bangladesh, its security cannot be neglected, and so due to non-receipt of ‘Security Related Expenditure’ (SRE) from the Home Ministry, security works used to get diluted. Regarding the matters that were apprised to him, Anil Goswami assured to look into the matter immediately.

Amongst the crucial matters discussed in the meeting with OSD Home also includes the fund requirement of 4th & 5th IR Bn., strengthening of police, Bru repatriation and of the ongoing construction of border fencing.

Visiting Anil Goswami also met Mizoram Governor Vakkom Purushothaman at his residence.
Anil told the Governor that he found Mizoram as a beautiful place which can be a tourists’ destination.

Later in the evening, Mizoram Chief Minister Lalthanhawla stressed about Security Related Expenditures (SRE) to the Union Secretary, besides apprising him of the need to construct police quarters.

Is The Game Changing in Mizoram?

By Prasenjit Biswas

On 23 May, the opposition Mizo National Front organised an anti-idolatry rally in Aizawl and there was a blast in the Assam Rifles’ temple complex that day. Following the signing of the  June 1986 historic Mizo Accord, Mizoram has been a picture of peace, so the new development appears to indicate a subterranean discord that mixes politics, ethnic identity and religion. Little is known to the outside world of these subtle changes in the tune and nuances of politics in Mizoram, but internally it signals a social and cultural fragmentation.

On a recent visit to Aizwal, I heard of how its residents felt a sense of insecurity vis-a-vis the haphazard construction of  residential buildings in a town that is prone to landslides and the government’s apathy. Their frustration has found expression in action, like Mizo Young Association members taking it upon themselves to drive out Chin refugees from the Lengpui area to make the city crime-free. Anger and grief directed against the ruling party and blaming the growing rates of crime on Chin refugees go hand in hand with the larger picture of social, religious and ethnic fragmentation of Mizo society into many ideologies and groups. Raising the issue of idolatry practised by some Mizo leaders is also a psychological ploy to confuse social insecurity with the loss of faith that afflicts the community.

The rally was an expression of ideological differences not only between political parties but also between various social groups and identities. The blast, for which the MNF blamed the ruling Congress, indicates the extent of ideological manoeuvres. The state home minister described the rally as a kind of self-infliction. This is nothing but an ideological contestation of a complex mix of ethnicity, religion and politics that hurts Mizo society.

The rally’s main objective was to expose how, during Durga  Puja, Congress  chief minister Lalthanhawla lit candles at a pandal. Opposition leader Zoramthanga argued that by doing so the chief minister had violated Christian ethics that prohibits the worshiping of idols. He also pointed out that the chief minister’s  wife, Lal Riliani, had even put colour on her forehead and broke coconuts.  According to him, all this exposed how the Congress was pandering to what the Mizos considered an “evil” and, therefore, outside the Mizo way of life.

There’s no gainsaying the fact that in a deeply Christian Mizo society, such public acts of display by the ruling party chief and his family members did not go down well with the masses as it contradicts their belief in Christ. The larger issue of secular practice by heads of a state as per the Constitution has not been broached by the MNF, but it simply hinted at the performance of a ritual that Christians are not supposed to indulge in.

This brings us to the issue of the Church’s hold on and influence in the political outlook and choices of the Mizo people as such. A respected public figure cannot cross that Laxman Rekha drawn by his faith. Going against the deep-rooted faith and belief of the masses by a public leader in the Mizo context is still to be accepted as “normal”. The MNF protest rally simply voices the sentiments of commoners, who are taught not to practice any form of idolatry.

All this brings back the issue of the authenticity of being a Mizo, which lies in following  God’s commandments. Obviously, in a plural Indian society a narrow and mono-religious notion of God creates tension, both for those who believe and those who do not. Zoramthanga’s reference to Exodus, Chapter 20 — which says  “I am the Lord your God, who brought you out of Egypt, out of the land of slavery” — very successfully revived the memory of the abolition of the bawi (slave) system by Christian missionaries as well as invokes the Mizo belief that they are part of the 12 lost tribes that moved out of Egypt. The eschatology of the exodus out of Egypt and the contemporary revival of Bnei Menashe (children of Menasseh) who are lost in India’s North-east and who now reconnect them with the resettled communities of Israel, are believed to be tribes of Manasseh. Such moves in imagination and faith constitute the contemporary sense of belonging to Mizo identity.

Having lost two elections consecutively, the MNF is trying to generate mass opinion against the Congress as a practitioner of “evil”. Such  political rivalry, as always, centres round a search for roots and an assumption of the right identity-roles that would ultimately decide who wins the ideological battle.

In this battle, the idea of election in a Hebrew sense becomes an argument for revival. Election marks a reconnection with the tribes of Manasseh through a journey into Israel’s territory. It also reinvokes the memory of the complex inter-clan relationship during and after the abolition of slavery. Clans such as the Raltes, Sailos, Hualngos, Lenchungs, Zadengs, Pacchaus, Chhakchhuaks, etc, and their complicated role during the anti-slavery movement, Mizo insurgency and their present social status determine the political influence of respective parties. The MNF’s playing the identity card is effectively countered by the Congress’s more prominent strategy of winning over people by its ideology of secularism. So, the whole picture seems to be emerging slowly into a game changing scenario through a carefully crafted ideological battle. 

The writer ~ an associate professor, Department of Philosophy, North East Hill University, Shillong ~ co-edited Construction of Evil in India’s Northeast, Sage Publications, New Delhi, 2012

On Top Of The World

By IBOYAIMA LAITHANGBAM



There is a saying in Manipur that there are, on average, two bicycles and one sportsperson in every Manipuri home. Bidyapati Ningthoujam comes from one such home.

On May 17, the 30-year-old Ningthoujam became the first Manipuri woman to scale Mt. Everest. If you imagined this mountaineer would be a sturdy Amazon of a woman, you are mistaken.

The slender and graceful Ningthoujam is, among other things, an accomplished dancer, and has given performances both on television and in several public performances.

A graduate of Liberal College in Luwangshangpham of Heingang valley, the keen sports girl was a National Cadet Corps cadet. Her father Kokngang and mother Borni are poor farmers who are hard pressed to provide two meals a day for their three children, leave alone the balanced and nutritious diet that a sportsperson needs. They say it’s a miracle that despite the deprivation their daughter has conquered the highest peak in the world.

Ningthoujam took part in debates and adventure sports while in the NCC, but she had an irresistible urge to climb and finally joined the Manipur Mountaineering and Trekking Association. Her mother recalls how every morning she would go jogging on the Imphal-Dimapur highway.

Her promising performance got her selected to the North-Eastern team of climbers to Mt Everest, an expedition sponsored by the North Eastern Council and guided by the Manipur Mountaineering and Trekking Association. “It’s a dream come true,” she says, smiling.

She is the proud winner of the Rs 10 lakh cash reward that the Manipur government announced to each mountaineer who scaled the peak. Biren Nongthombam, the MLA from her constituency, is persuading Chief Minister Okram Ibobi, who is keen to patronise sports in the state, to give her a job.

Not that Ningthoujam is resting on her laurels. She plans to climb Mt Kanchenjunga next. “I would love to climb K2 as well, but since it is in Pakistan, I will first conquer Kanchenjunga,” she says.

Despite her hectic schedule, like other Manipuri daughters, Ningthoujam helps her parents in the paddy fields and also earns money for the family with weaving and embroidery work.

Ningthoujam likes to talk about the difficulties of the climb and her close shave with death, as she scaled the peak with an icy wind blowing at 80 kmph. Already, she has become somewhat of a hero in her tiny state with its population of 27 lakh people, and several young sportswomen and climbers say they are eager to follow in her footsteps.

Honda Unveils 'CB Trigger' For Northeast India Market

Guwahati, Jun 18 : Country's second largest two-wheeler maker Honda Motorcycle & Scooter India today launched 150 cc motorcycle CB Trigger for the North-East aimed at capturing 20 per cent of the market in this segment in the region.

The CB Trigger is priced between Rs. 70,315 and Rs. 79,900 (ex-showroom, Guwahati), Vivek Taluja, Honda Motorcycle & Scooter India (HMSI) Division Head (Regional Office East), told reporters here.

The bike, which will compete with Bajaj Auto's Pulsar, claims to give a mileage of 60 kilometre per litre.

Talking about sales expectation from this region, Taluja said, "The 150cc category market in the North-East is around 2,600 units per month. We are targetting to capture 20 per cent share with the CB Trigger." The company is currently working on organising a rally from Guwahati in Assam to Tawang via Bombdila in Arunachal Pradesh to give its brand image a boost, and is inviting Honda customers to take part in it, he added.

"We are interested in organising a bike rally in the North-East to strengthen our brand image. We are considering to do it this year," Taluja said.

When asked if it will be for all HMSI buyers, Taluja said, "Usually premium bike owners are more willing to take part in such adventures. We are looking to invite customers who have bought bikes of 250cc or above category." HMSI at present has 17 dealers across the North-East region, and it is adding 3-4 more by the end of this year, he added.

Children Dig For Coal In India's 'Rat Holes'

ABC's Bob Woodruff poses with 17-year-old Pemba Tamang, a coal miner in the Indian state of Meghalaya. (Jake Whitman/ABC)
By BOB WOODRUFF (@bobwoodruff) and JAKE WHITMAN

KHLIEHRIAT, India June 17, 2013

Deep in the mountains of Northeast India, the workday begins with a treacherous, five-story climb down slippery bamboo ladders, with no safety gear and no emergency exits. The young coal miner leading the way is named Pemba Tamang, a 17-year-old boy who has been working here since he was just 12 years old.

Along with hundreds of other children who are desperate enough, and small enough, he works this dangerous underground system of tunnels nicknamed "rat holes."


The children who work here are lured by the promise of good wages in a region where one in four young people are unemployed. They will work eight hours a day, six days a week, for the equivalent of a few U.S. dollars per day.

To meet these young miners, we traveled to the Indian state of Meghalaya, a region rich in coal in a country desperate for it-- India relies on coal for nearly half its electricity.

We traveled with Rosanna Lyngdoh, a co-founder of the nongovernmental group Impulse.

In 2010, Impulse discovered hundreds of children -- some as young as 9 -- working in the surrounding mines. Three years after the problem was first exposed, it is still easy to find children working in dangerous and often deadly conditions.

"There's a human rights violation everywhere here, you can see that." Lyngdoh told us.
Tamang is one of the boys Lyngdoh and her group has been following. He has been working in the mines for nearly five years, drawn to the occupation after his father, who was also a coal miner, died from health problems, leaving Tamang with nothing.

Tamang said he begins his work each day at 5 a.m. by climbing into the giant pits, some hundreds of feet deep. He will then crawl into the small openings at the bottom, which stretch horizontally into the earth, and dig for coal for up to eight hours a day.

Tamang can expect to collect about two cart loads per day, worth about 500 rupees, or roughly $8.60.
This kind of child labor is banned under India's Mines Act of 1952. The law prohibits anyone under age 18 from working in the country's coal mines.

But enforcing the law is complicated, since it is left up to each state.

Also, India's Constitution says the tribal and native people have first say over the land -- opening the door for those eager to make money in the coal-rich state.

Because the children are small, they fit easily into the small tunnels, often no more than two feet high.

Young miners we met during our visit shared stories of horrific accidents -- roof collapses that killed fellow workers. Often those trapped have no way out, and little effort is made to save them.

Our visit coincided with the beginning of monsoon season in Northeast India, which brings the added threat of flash flooding. The region is also at high risk for a major earthquake. Tremors are felt nearly every day.

Tamang took "Nightline" into the confusing and dangerous system of tunnels -- a frightening journey lead only by dim flashlights.

He also shares with us his dream for the future, by taking us to a local school, to meet the reason he continues to risk his life every day.

Unrest Among Ex-Mizo Militia Over Non-Fulfilment Of Promises

By Sandeep Joshi

Aizawl, Jun 17 : It has been over 25 years since the Mizoram Accord was signed between the Centre and the Mizo National Front (MNF) to bring peace to Mizoram.

But growing disenchantment among the people of the north-eastern State with New Delhi is threatening the fragile peace.

What is alarming is the growing bitterness among the ex-militia, who used to be associated with the MNF’s armed wing, over the non-fulfilment of promises made by the government that could force them to pick up arms again.

“Even today at least two of the promises made by the Centre in 1986 are yet to be fulfilled. We are still to see criminal cases against three of our former colleagues dropped, while the desire of the people of Mizoram to have their own High Court seems to be a distant dream.

Similarly, the demand for compensation to two women who were raped by Army personnel in 1966 is yet to be fulfilled,” K. Lalnuntluanga, ex-Mizo National Army Association General Secretary, told The Hindu.

The Centre’s apathy towards the Mizo people and their problems can be gauged from the very fact that three top functionaries of the Association, despite camping for almost two weeks in Delhi last month, they could not meet Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, Congress President Sonia Gandhi and Home Minister Sushilkumar Shinde.

“People of Mizoram, particularly the youth, are getting frustrated with false promises and assurances by the successive governments,” said Mr. Lalnuntluanga.

Former members of the Mizo National Army who took part in the underground movement are angry over the non-withdrawal of cases against their former colleagues.

“The Union government had promised that no member of the MNF coming over ground would be prosecuted for offences committed in connection with and during the period of underground activities. But today also they are harassed by police.

There are at least three former MNA members who face criminal cases … one of them, Lalzarliana, has become mentally sick due to the constant burden of court cases and fear of police arrest,” claimed C. Zama, treasurer of the Association, which has around 4,000 members.

Long wait for justice

Another issue for the Mizo people is the long wait for justice and compensation for two women who suffered torture and mass rape by Indian Army personnel on November 30, 1966.

“From that time onwards, these two rape victims are mentally unstable and are looked after by their family members. Neither has any humanitarian effort been made to rehabilitate them nor has any compensation been provided to help them live a dignified life,” said Mr. Zama.

But what is more worrying is the willingness among the ex-MNA cadres to launch a violent movement to press for their demands, and their talks of joining hands with militants fighting in Nagaland and Assam.

“Unrest is simmering not only among disgruntled youths, but also among former cadres who again want to go underground … anyone from across the border can cash in on this negative sentiment.

The fate of the over two-decade old Mizo Accord is in limbo … we will have to convey our sentiments and the treatment meted to us by the government to the armed groups in Nagaland and Assam. The future ahead seems to be dark for us,” Mr. Lalnuntluanga added.