25 June 2015

Classical swine fever, PRRS surface in Mizoram

Classical swine fever, PRRS surface in Mizoram The outbreak of classical swine fever has been a yearly affair during the pre-monsoon season in Mizoram, according an official. 
 
Aizawl, Jun 25 : Classical swine fever and Porcine Reproductive and Respiratory Syndrome (PRRS) have surfaced in Mizoram with blood samples of dead pigs testing positive, state veterinary officials said.

Animal Husbandry and Veterinary Director Dr L B Sailo told PTI that blood samples of the pigs which died in Aizawl and surrounding areas were tested at the laboratory in the Veterinary Science College in Selesih near here and it was found that some of the pigs died of classical swine fever and some due to PRRS.

The outbreak of classical swine fever has been a yearly affair during the pre-monsoon season, Sailo said.

"Change of weather usually results in outbreak of swine fever in the state," he said, adding that there was no reason to panic and the situation would soon normalise.

Thousands of swine died during March-April in 2013 in the state, the officials said.

Though the PRRS outbreak was thought to be contained, it continued to be present as many cases of infection in pigs were not reported and the infected pigs not culled, the officials said.

PRISM Accuses Cong for failing to keep its promises in Mizo

Aizawl, Jun 25 : The People's Right to Information and Development Society of Mizoram (PRISM) today said the Congress government led by Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla has not fulfilled any promise made in the manifesto before the 2013 state Assembly elections.

A press statement issued by the PRISM after holding the 17th Mizoram Watch program at Aizawl today said the state government, during the last two years, failed to deliver all its promises.

"Despite continuation of ongoing projects including its flagship program, the New Land Use Policy (NLUP), the government has not initiated any new project as proposed in the election manifesto," the statement said.

A point-wise deliberation on the Congress manifesto were held in the consultation, the statement added.

24 June 2015

Aizawl To Be On Railway Map in 3 years

Hilly Mizoram's capital city will be on India's railway map ​in the next three years as line construction between Bairabi, a village on the Assam-Mizoram border and Sairang, a village 27 kms by road west of Aizawl, is set to be completed by then, a senior railway official said Tuesday.

By Adam Halliday


Aizawl, Jun 24 : Hilly Mizoram’s capital city will be on India’s railway map ​in the next three years as line construction between Bairabi, a village on the Assam-Mizoram border and Sairang, a village 27 kms by road west of Aizawl, is set to be completed by then, a senior railway official said Tuesday.

The Bairabi-Sairang broad-gauge line, a 51 km stretch that will include seven bridges and 23 tunnels, is currently under construction with a completion target of March 2018, North-East Frontier Railways General Manager (Construction) R S Virdi said. He is on a visit to Aizawl to oversee the progress of the ongoing work.

Virdi said the NEF Railways is also surveying a possible route between Sairang and Hmawngbuchhuah, a settlement neighbouring Zochachhuah.

Zochachhuah stands at Mizoram’s southern tip bordering Myanmar’s Rakhine state. The under-construction Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project (KMMTTP) passes through it.

The KMMTTP is one of India’s largest infrastructure projects within the Look/Act East Policy.

It will join Mizoram with Sittwe port in Myanmar by road and inland waterway, cutting down distance between Mizoram and Kolkata’s Haldia port by almost 1000 kms to become an alternative trade route between the North-East and the rest of the country.

It will also be the NE’s first gateway to the sea since partition, which kept Bangladesh’s Chittagong port out of reach for the region’s population.

The movement of goods between the NE and the rest of India is currently through the Chicken’s Neck corridor in northern West Bengal, a narrow strip of land (just 23 kms wide in some places) that connects the North-East to the rest of the country.

The Bairabi-Sairang-Hmangbuchhuah railway line will cut through the north-south length of Mizoram and bring Indian Railways at Myanmar’s doorstep, meaning it will likely supplement the upcoming trade route on the Kaladan river.
22 June 2015

Trust Thy Neighbour: An Indigenous Marketing Technique in Mizoram is About Honesty and Goodwill

It is a unique way to buy and sell, a novel kind of grassroots commerce, an indigenously developed small-scale agricultural marketing technique even.

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Vegetables and fruit on display at a shop without a shopkeeper between Keifang and Kawlkulh towns in eastern Mizoram

By Adam Halliday

New Delhi, Jun 22 : Along Mizoram’s narrrow, winding hillside roads to the east, south and north of capital Aizawl, stand strange sights — thatch huts that double up as shops displaying an array of vegetables, fruits and the occasional bottle of fruit juice, small dried fish, even freshwater snails, a local delicacy in many Asian (particularly southeast Asian) cuisines.

Nothing too out of the ordinary at first sight, except, there are no shopkeepers.

Instead, small cardboard sheets erected or hung on one of the bamboo beams act as rate cards where the names and prices of the wares on display are marked using, in most cases, a piece of charcoal.
The wares are hung nearby in small bundles inside transparent polythene bags or wrapped neatly with plantain leaves that sit on ledges under the beams.

Sometimes, numbers are also written on the plastic bags, or on the plaintain leaves, or in case of juice, on plastic bottles, to designate the price of each.

And always, just near the cardboard sheet hangs a small plastic container with the words “Pawisa Bawm” or “Pawisa Dahna” where customers (mostly, travellers passing through) deposit money for the things they have bought and, if need be, from which they retrieve whatever change is due to them.
It is a unique way to buy and sell, a novel kind of grassroots commerce, an indigenously developed small-scale agricultural marketing technique even. But more than anything else, it is an enduring symbol of honesty and trust.

“People are good,” says Pi Khumi. “Nothing has ever been lost from our shop.”

The 55-year-old had just climbed up a small dirt path from her family’s small jhum farm down by the Tuivawl river, which flows between the ridges where the towns of Keifang and Kawlkulh are perched upon.

She had climbed up the hillside with a cane-basket full of sweet corn to display at her shopkeeper-less shop and prepare and eat a lunch of boiled rice and lentils with chilly and salt, a simple meal.

Her husband Rothuama and two adult sons were also on the way up, she said, and would arrive with some freshwater snails they would have with the food, but most of which they would display for sale at Rs 100 for half a polythene bag, the most expensive of all their wares.

The family from Dulte village, which is located about seven km down the road and up the other side of the river, have had their hut-cum-shop here for more than two years.

With farmhands few and expensive, they can’t afford to spare any member to stay at the hut and mind the wares, and any money that trickles into the plastic bag of a cash register is a big bonus.

Weekdays are usually spent at their small farm and nights sleeping in the roadside hut. After waking up at dawn and a quick meal later, they climb down to their sloping field by 6 am, only to return well past 10 am for lunch, and then again at the farm from 1 pm till darkness falls on the land, which in this eastern corner of the country, is around 6 pm even during the summer.

All the while they are at the farm, they leave the hut and whatever vegetables and fruits they have harvested there for passing travellers to buy — absent traders entrusting their business to the honesty of their faceless customers.

Although cases of theft are not rare in the state and urbanity has brought with it certain vices, it is not all that uncommon to entrust luggage and other things with shopkeepers, even in the capital, Aizawl.
For example, shops near bus terminals or maxicab stands often host several bags that arriving or departing travellers leave there because it is not convenient to lug them around. They simply return to take it at the end of their journey.

This has been a longstanding tradition from the time chiefs ruled over individual villages in the region; and what is now known as Mizoram was unexplored by the rest of the world, as recent as just a century-and-a-half ago. In those days, anyone who stole even something as small as an egg from a neighbour’s houses would

be ostracised to the extent that the person and their relatives would find it unpleasant to continue living in the village and would simply migrate elsewhere. The same spirit seems to live on in Rothuama’s hut.

Further down the road stands another shopkeeper-less shop. It’s almost midday and Chawngthanzama, 47, sits on his haunches, eating his lunch from a steel plate in the darkened coolness the thatch-roofed bamboo-hut offers on a warm, humid day.

The resident of Ruallung village, which lies about a three km (as the crow flies) climb up the forested hillside, where he has a small farm, has the same story as Rothuama’s family.

None of his wares have ever gone missing. Neither has the handful of Rs 10 or Rs 20 notes he tends to keep in the plastic container-cum-cash register in case customers might not have change.

“Usually, I pack the lemons and other things that do not get stale easily before I sleep. I start for my farm early, most days by 4 am, and I come back to quickly put some freshly picked leafy vegetables and then head back to the farm. That way they are still fresh when the maxicabs and buses pass by,” he says.

For many travellers, the trust that is involved in the transactions with shopkeeper-less shops such as these is enough to make them want to buy from them.

“Whenever I pass such shops, I make it a point to buy at least one item. But when I buy something, it makes me happy, like I’ve contributed something to something beautiful,” says Vanlalmuanpuii, a school teacher in Aizawl.

Mizoram: Another Attempt At Mob Justice


By Nilotpal Bhattacharjee


Vairengte, Jun 22 : Hundreds of protesters from Thingdawl and its neighbouring villages in Kolasib district of Mizoram tried to drag out a man accused of attempted rape from Saipum Mizo India Reserve Battalion camp last night, forcing the police to resort to blank firing to disperse the mob.

The incident was reminiscent of the one at Dimapur in Nagaland when an angry mob dragged a rape accused out of jail and lynched him.

Sources said the mob left the camp around 1 this morning, following a meeting with the police officers who assured them of justice.

A tense atmosphere prevailed today at Saipum after the incident. Security personnel from Kolasib and Mualvum were sent to Saipum to prevent any kind of untoward incident.

Police officials today told The Telegraph that Lalhimpuia, 42, had allegedly attempted to rape a girl at Thingdawl on June 18. He managed to escape after the girl's family members arrived on hearing her screams. He left the area and took shelter at Thintel village, from where he was arrested by Kolasib police last afternoon, the police said.

Lalhimpuia is the son of R. Lalremsiama, a resident of Thingdawl.

Kolasib superintendent of police C. Lalzahngoa told this correspondent that when people from Thingdawl and neighbouring villages came to know about Lalhimpuia's arrest from Thintel, they started chasing the police.

"Sensing trouble, the police took the accused to Saipum Mizo IRB camp instead of Kolasib police station. It is difficult to determine the total number of people gathered in front of the camp, but they were many," Lalzahngoa said.

The mob gheraoed the camp, demanding that the accused should be handed over to them. When they tried to enter the camp to drag out the accused, the policemen deployed at the site sounded a warning and then resorted to blank firing to disperse the mob.

Kolasib town, the headquarters of Kolasib district, is around 35km from Vairengte town and 83km from Aizawl.

Vairengte, bordering Lailapur in Cachar district, is a town under Kolasib district.

A meeting was later held near the battalion camp last night.

The protesters agreed to leave the area after the police assured them that a probe would be conducted and stern action would be taken against the guilty.

Vanlalruata, the general secretary of the Young Mizo Association, the largest NGO of the Mizo people, told The Telegraph this evening from Aizawl that such incidents should be condemned.

"Women should be respected. Any kind of violence against women is not acceptable in any civil society. The judicial system must take up such cases very seriously and justice should be delivered as early as possible," he said.

Vanlalruata, who came to know about the incident through media reports, demanded stern action against the guilty.

On March 5, a rape accused, who was from Bosla village in Karimganj district, was dragged out of prison in Dimapur by a mob, taken to the clock tower, 7km away, and lynched.

Villages Near Manipur Ambush Site Still Deserted as Residents Put Off Return

By
Villages Near Manipur Ambush Site Still Deserted as Residents Put Off Return
Indian Army personnel patrol the area close to the site of the recent ambush attack by militants that killed 18 soldiers.

Chandel, Manipur:  Life is yet to return to normalcy for the villages in Chandel, where 18 Indian soldiers were killed in a deadly ambush two weeks ago. At least three villages located a few kilometres near the ambush site are still deserted; villagers fear for their lives and are reluctant to return home.

Paraolon village is home to more than 400 people, but their huts remain empty even after two weeks. Insurgents of the NSCN (K) group had ambushed a party of Indian soldiers about 3 kilometres away from this village.

Since then the army has cleared most signs of the ambush from the spot. The debris of two burnt army trucks has been placed at this village. Army claims to have eliminated insurgents on the Indo-Myanmar border after the ambush.
But for most people who live in villages in this area, life may not be the same anytime soon. Most are still living with their relatives in Chandel town, and very few have chosen to stay on as they are subjected to rigorous scrutiny by the Indian Army and the Assam Rifles.

The Multuk village, is one of those where some villagers chose to stay back. It is also home to a camp of the army's 6 Dogra Regiment, the same that was targeted in the Manipur ambush. For most villagers, getting back their normal lives seems distant.

Marginal farmers like Mr Konkhotong say, "It's difficult to survive. We need to eat. If we can't work how will we eat? Even the politicians have not come here post the incident. We should be given something to eat. We are not permitted to go anywhere".

The Indian Army maintains it does not want to trouble civilians living in the area during its operations, but for now, the ground realities are somewhat different. The locals here seem to have become unwitting pawns in the conflict.

Manipur Ambush Achitect Niki Sumi back in India

Indian special forces, backed by troops from the Assam Rifles, had attacked Sumi’s base at the village of Ponyo on June 9, the sources said, but the intelligence on his whereabouts was not precise

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Few details have emerged on the circumstances under which Sumi succeeded in escaping the Ponyo camp, the key target of the raids conducted by the 21 Paracommando regiment on June 9.


By Praveen Swami

New Delhi | Published on:June 22, 2015 2:33 am
The insurgent commander alleged to be responsible for the ambush that killed 18 soldiers earlier this month has returned to Nagaland after escaping an Indian Army cross-border raid into Myanmar, government sources said.

Niki Sumi, chief of military operations of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Khaplang), was sighted by intelligence services last week in the forests running along the border with Myanmar in Nagaland’s Phek, Kiphire and Tuensang districts.

Indian special forces, backed by troops from the Assam Rifles, had attacked Sumi’s base at the village of Ponyo on June 9, the sources said, but the intelligence on his whereabouts was not precise

“The government has been seeking the cooperation of Naga insurgent groups committed to the ceasefire with India to track down Sumi and his cadre,” a Ministry of Home Affairs official said. “We are confident that he will be found.”

Sumi, a one-time resident of Naharbari in Dimapur, was named by the Indian government as the key figure in the June 4 ambush, along with the finance chief of the NSCN (K), Starson Lamkang, and ‘Major General’ Neymlang.

Numbering an estimated 1,500 personnel, Sumi’s units are active in the eastern parts of Nagaland, as well as in the Tirap and Changlang districts of neighbouring Arunachal Pradesh. Its cadre are drawn from a welter of Naga clans — the Konyaks of both India and Myanmar, the Aos of Mokokchung district, the Phoms and Yimchungers of Tuensang district, the Angamis, the Semas, the Lothas, and the Pangmeis of Myanmar.

Few details have emerged on the circumstances under which Sumi succeeded in escaping the Ponyo camp, the key target of the raids conducted by the 21 Paracommando regiment on June 9. Based on briefings from Home Ministry officials, media accounts have claimed dozens — perhaps even over 100 — insurgents were killed.

However, subsequent assessments carried out by the Intelligence Bureau suggest actual fatalities in the two insurgent sites targeted by the Army may have been as few as seven, with a dozen injured.

The Indian government has made no official claim on fatalities, nor released photographs.

Photographs released by the NSCN (K) purport to show that the group responsible for the June 4 ambush returned to its base at Ponyo, though it suffered two fatalities in the course of the operation. The insurgent group has denied suffering fatalities in the cross-border operation.
19 June 2015

2 Elephants in an Assam Court in Cross-Border Custody Battle

2 Elephants in an Assam Court in Cross-Border Custody Battle

Hailakandi, Assam:  An elephant and her calf spent a morning in a court in Assam this week, where a judge was asked to decide on their custody.

The judge had to make a short field trip to the court's lawns to inspect the jumbo duo in Assam's remote Hailakandi district which borders Bangladesh.

They were found on the Indian side of the border by the police on Monday. A local resident claims to be their owner - he says the female elephant was stolen from him eight years ago.

But a Bangladeshi man has made a rival claim. "They went missing a few days ago. I looked everywhere and then went to local cops in Bangladesh. They spoke to the Border Security Force and told me my elephants were in Hailakandi. So I got them to arrange travel and here I am to stake claim," says Mojibul Islam.

For now, custody of the elephants has been granted to a local forest official. The case will be heard next week. "We will take care of them as long as we have to, and ensure they are well fed and looked after," said Gunin Saikia, Divisional Forest Officer of Hailakandi.

Manipur Teacher Thrashed For Allegedly Caning Student, Hospitalised

Manipur Teacher Thrashed For Allegedly Caning Student, Hospitalised
A teacher of a private school in Imphal was beaten up after he allegedly caned a student


Imphal, Jun 19 :  A teacher of a private school in Manipur's Imphal was brutally thrashed and had to be hospitalised after he allegedly caned a student as punishment. 16 members of a prominent students' body have been detained by the police in connection with the incident.

On Tuesday, the computer science teacher at the St. Joseph's School allegedly beat up a Class 6 student with a cane in front of the entire classroom. The student allegedly complained to the Democratic Students' Alliance of Manipur - a body that claims to represent the interests of school students across the state - about the incident following which the teacher was summoned to its office later that day and was allegedly assaulted by its members.

The beating was so severe that the teacher had to be taken to a hospital. He has suffered bruises all over his body. Doctors say he is recovering but it will be a few days before he is discharged.

The students' group claims that it got into a minor altercation with the teacher after he refused to apologise for beating the child. The teacher claims his punishment was mild, adding that he did not intend to hurt the child.

Repatriation of Brus From North Tripura Relief Camp Cancelled

Aizawl, Jun 19 : Authorities on Thursday said repatriation of Brus from Khakchangpara relief camp in North Tripura district scheduled to begin from next Monday would be cancelled as no Bru came forward for identification even on the last verification day.

Deputy commissioner of Mizoram-Tripura border Mamit district Vanlalngaihsaka told PTI that no one had turned up at the verification office at the relief camp since Monday.

Vanlalngaihsaka said that people claiming to be representatives of the relief camp submitted a list of demands entitled 'voice of the people' which was in verbatim the contents of the demands submitted at the Kaskau relief camp on June 4 last.

Verification of bona fide residents of Mizoram was conducted at the Kaskau camp from June 2-4 during which no one turned up for identification.

He said that he forwarded the memorandum to the state home department.

The demands of the Brus lodged in the six relief camps in Tripura included increase of rehabilitation package per family from Rs 85,000 to Rs 1.5 lakh.

Though the Supreme Court instructed the Centre and the state governments of Mizoram to repatriate all the Brus within six months, not a single Bru has been repatriated till date.

As per the road map for repatriation prepared by the state government and approved by the apex court, the repatriation process commenced from July 2 and is scheduled to be completed by September 4.

State Additional Secretary for Home Lalbiakzama said that despite initial hiccups the repatriation process would continue as per arrangements made in the road map.

Manipur Observes 'Unity Day'

in their honour People pay tribute to heroes who sacrificed their lives for territorial integrity of Manipur in the great June Uprising on its 14th anniversary on Thursday at Imphal. Deepak oinamBy Ratnadip Choudhury

Imphal, Jun 19 :
The people of Imphal valley on Thursday remembered the 18 civilians who were killed by security forces in 2001 and all roads led to Imphal’s Kekrupat area where their remains were cremated.

On June 18, 2001, when Manipur was under President’s Rule, thousands of people protested against New Delhi’s decision to extend the ceasefire with NSCN(IM) beyond Nagaland.  Government buildings were attacked and the Assembly was burnt down by protesters. They also rushed to the gate of the Raj Bhavan and scaled the chief minister’s bungalow gates,  forcing security personnel to open fire.

Ever since, the day is observed as “Unity Day” by the people of Imphal valley. Hundreds of people paid their respect by laying floral wreaths at the site. The people of Imphal valley reiterated that in no way would they compromise with the “territorial integrity” of Manipur.

New Delhi has hinted at a possible ‘peace deal’ with the NSCN(IM) by the end of this year, the Naga militant group which is in talks with the Centre since 1997. New Delhi had extended the ceasefire with the NSCN(IM) rebels in Naga inhabited areas covering Nagaland, Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh.  The move is seen as giving an indirect legitimacy to the NSCN (IM)’s demand for a “greater Nagaland”.
18 June 2015

Mizoram’s Church Leaders Urge Flock Not To Observe Yoga Day

Church leaders in Mizoram had earlier submitted a memorandum to BJP President Amit Shah when he visited the state in mid-April.

Aizawl, Jun 18 : A conglomeration of Mizoram’s church leaders has appealed to all Mizo Christians not to observe the International Day of Yoga, planned for this Sunday.

A brief statement from the Mizoram Kohhran Hruaitu Committee (Mizoram Church Leader’s Committee) or MKHC said it finds it extremely regrettable that the day has been scheduled to clash with a holy day for Christians.

“We appeal to all Mizo Christians to not observe the International Day of Yoga,” the MKHC said.

Church leaders in Mizoram had earlier submitted a memorandum to BJP President Amit Shah when he visited the state in mid-April.

In that memorandum, the MKHC protested against the designation of December 25 (Christmas) as Good Governance Day and the calling of a meeting of various Judges of the Supreme Court and High Courts on Good Friday, which this year fell on April

No Bru Turns Up For Verification For 3rd Consecutive Day


title=Aizawl, Jun 18 : As on the first and second day, not a single Bru appeared for the third consecutive day on Wednesday before the Mizoram officials at the Khakchangpara relief camp in North Tripura district for identification.

Mamit district deputy commissioner Vanlalngaihsaka told PTI over phone that the makeshift verification office was closed by the officials at 3 pm after no one appeared for identification as bona fide resident of Mizoram.

Vanlalngaihsaka said that despite this, the process would continue as scheduled till Thursday, the last date set for identification in the Khakchangpara relief camp.

Earlier, the proposed repatriation of Brus from Kaskau relief camp, scheduled to be taken up between June 8 to 12, could not be undertaken as no one came forward for identification during June 2 to 4.

Following instructions from the Supreme Court to repatriate all Brus from the six relief camps in North Tripura district within six months, the Union Government and the state government began the exercise of resumption of repatriation.

Mizoram government prepared Road Map - IV for Bru repatriation commencing from June 1 which will be continued till September 4.

An Eye To Myanmar’s Sensitive Spots

By G PARTHASARATHY

Although Delhi and Yangon have a tacit understanding on insurgency, ground realities must govern Indian operations

Even as India promotes regional connectivity and economic integration across its land and maritime borders, there is very little understanding of the importance of relations with Myanmar. We seem to forget that Myanmar borders four of our insurgency-prone States — Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram.

When Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao introduced the country’s ‘Look East’ policy, Myanmar assumed a key position as India’s land bridge to the fast-growing Asean economies. Recognising that Myanmar itself was concerned about its increasingly close embrace of China, India supported its quest for membership of Asean. New Delhi also fashioned a multi-faceted framework of dialogue to enhance economic and border security cooperation.
Careful cooperation

A wide ranging dialogue with Myanmar on trans-border border cooperation followed. Both India and Myanmar faced problems from the propensity of the Khaleda Zia government in Bangladesh to fund, train and arm separatist terrorist groups from across Indian’s North-Eastern States.

After careful preparation and security exchanges, the armies of India and Myanmar launched coordinated operations in 1995 against a large group of armed separatists being infiltrated from Bangladesh into India’s North-East. Myanmar quietly permitted Indian forces to operate on its territory. The infiltrators were largely eliminated. The Narasimha Rao government wisely avoided public comment, but the message worldwide was that India and Myanmar had cooperated in a massive anti-terrorist military action.

There have been subsequent instances of counter-terrorism military cooperation between India and Myanmar, involving action by India against the NSCN (Khaplang). In recent months, the situation has deteriorated along the India-Myanmar border, with the NSCN (Khaplang) entering into a ceasefire agreement with the Myanmar government. At the same time, relations between Myanmar and China have deteriorated, with Myanmar cancelling project approvals for major Chinese projects.

China, in turn, is backing ethnic armed groups of Han Chinese origin (Kokang and Wa) along its borders with Myanmar’s Shan state. Matters escalated when an attack by the Myanmar Air Force killed Chinese nationals in the bordering Yunnan province. Closer to India’s borders with Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh, Kachin tribals of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) are involved in an armed insurrection against the Myanmar government. China, which has a cosy relationship with Kachin separatists, is attempting to play mediator.
Brokering talks

Leaders of Indian insurgent groups from Assam, Manipur and Nagaland who were maintaining links with the Chinese were backed by the KIA. They made regular visits across the Myanmar-China border to Ruili, in Yunnan province. These groups have now come together under the umbrella of an NSCN(K)-led and evidently Chinese-backed group calling itself the United National Front of West Southeast Asia (UNWSA).

There are also credible reports that ULFA leader Paresh Barua is emerging as a kingpin and major arms trader. Interestingly, all this comes at a time when an Indian is playing a discreet role in brokering peace between ethnic armed groups and the government in Myanmar. The former Mizo insurgent who became chief minister of Mizoram (1998-2008), Zoramthanga, has been seeking to facilitate a peace process which could bring even the Kachins, Wa and Kokang, despite their close links with China, to the talks.

The recent attacks on the Indian armed forces in Manipur and elsewhere in the North-East have to be seen in the context of these developments. The NSCN(K), which had observed a long-term ceasefire in Nagaland and Manipur, has evidently been given the lead position in the UNWSA. The NSCN (K) took the lead in the June 4 attack in which 18 Indian soldiers were killed. The Indian response was swift, measured and decisive, with an airborne commando night raid on NSCN camps in Myanmar.

The attack was necessarily carried out without prior intimation: Indian Ambassador Gautam Mukhopadhyaya informed the Myanmar foreign office only early in the morning. Keeping in mind Myanmar’s sensitivity regarding its sovereignty, the Indian Army came out with a measured statement, indicating that it had acted decisively in an attack “along” the India Myanmar border, carefully avoiding mention of crossing the international border. The corps commander in Srinagar noted rightly that the situation along the LoC and the international border with Pakistan was very different from the India-Myanmar border.
Contradictory statements

Reacting to this,, the office of Myanmar’s president, Thein Sein, stated that what had transpired was “coordinated cooperation between Indian troops and the Myanmar armed forces based in the area”. He added that while no Myanmar soldiers were directly involved, “we will never allow or support insurgents, whether they are against Myanmar, or against a neighbouring country”.

In the meantime, a junior minister of the Indian Government contradicted what the army had said earlier about the operations being “along” the India-Myanmar border, by asserting they involved special forces “crossing the border and going deep into another country”. This was contrary to a long established practice with Myanmar. It also contradicted the Indian Army’s statement that the operation was along the India-Myanmar border. Moreover, all this occurred when Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi was commencing a high profile visit to China, which signalled growing Chinese unease with its traditional supporters in the present dispensation.

The ministerial statement from Delhi could well be used by opponents of the government in Myanmar to signal that the government had compromised the country’s sovereignty by allowing a foreign military force to intrude into its territory.

With National Security Adviser Ajit Doval visiting Myanmar, these issues will hopefully be addressed. There is little to be achieved by disregarding sensitivities in a friendly neighbouring country. It also needs to be borne in mind that for the foreseeable future, the army in Myanmar will continue to play a significant role in that country’s national life. It would be useful if India’s army chief, like some of his predecessors, pays an official visit to Myanmar soon.

The writer is a former High Commissioner to Pakistan
17 June 2015

Mizo National Front President Urges HPC(D) To Lift Boycott Call to Village Polls

Aizawl, Jun 17 : Mizo National Front (MNF) president Zoramthanga, who has been brokering a peace deal between the Centre and eight ethnic Mizo militant groups, today urged the HPC(D) militants to lift the boycott of the village council elections to 31 villages in Mizoram.

Addressing party workers in the MNF office in Aizawl, the former chief minister said he warned the Hmar People's Convention (Democrats) that MNF leaders would not participate in the next round of parleys between the Centre and the insurgent groups.

The eight ethnic Mizo groups were holding peace talks with the Centre under the umbrella organisation of United People's Front (UPA) and signed a bilateral suspension of Operations (SoO) on June 9 at New Delhi in presence of Zoramthanga.

"I have set the condition that I will continue to be involved in the peace deal only if the HPC(D) calls off its boycott to the village council polls to 31 villages," he said.

Village council polls were held in all the district excepting Saiha and Lawngtlai districts on April 30, but could not be held in the north-eastern part of the state adjoining Manipur and Assam due to boycott call by the Hmar militants.

The village councils could not be held in the villages as no one filed nominations in most of the places and those who had filed nominations also withdrew their candidature due to threats from the militants.

Zoramthanga said he had also mediated between the Centre and the National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT) and both the sides had held two rounds of talks.

NSCN(K) Operative Niki Sumi is Key Man Behind Manipur Massacre

By Namrata Biji Ahuja & Rajnish Sharma


Niki Sumi, the self-styled military adviser of NSCN-K, is said to be the brain behind the 4 attack on an Army convoy in Manipur (Photo: PTI)
Niki Sumi, the self-styled military adviser of NSCN-K, is said to be the brain behind the 4 attack on an Army convoy in Manipur
 
New Delhi, Jun 17 : The National Investigation Agency has zeroed in on four masterminds of the worst attack on the Indian Army on June 4, that was led by key NSCN(K) operative Niki Sumi, who incidentally is also in charge of the outfit’s military operations.

The plot was hatched in Myanmar, with intelligence sources saying Niki Sumi had escaped just hours before the retaliation by Indian Army special forces, who attacked his Ponue camp in Myanmar. Sumi is now learnt to be shifting base every 15 days.

In addition, the role of two other key NSCN(K) members, Neymlang and Starson Lamkang, is also being looked into. While Neymlang is said to be a military operational strategist, Lamkang looks after the financial resources of the terrorist group.

While the operation was carried out by the NSCN(K), it also got logistical support from local KYKL chief Oken, top sources said.

The NIA, with help from Central intelligence agencies, is conducting investigations into one of the worst attacks on the Indian Army in recent times.

It is also suspected that Niki Sumi has escaped to a high-security training camp somewhere in north Myanmar, where he is said to be under heavy protection of some Myanmar Army units as well as members of China’s People’s Liberation Army.

A Road Not Taken in Manipur

By Ratnadip Choudhury
Army removes the ill-fated truck that was ambushed on June 4 on the Somtal road near Paraolon village of Chandel District of Manipur. PHOTO: DEEPAK OINAMParaolon (Manipur), Jun 17 : Speeding along the Asian Highway 1 (AH1) from Manipur capital Imphal en route to the border town of Moreh, there is a sense of peace. It kindles a hope that New Delhi’s ambitious plan to connect North-East India to Southeast Asia through Manipur is really taking flight.

However, a right turn from Chamol towards Tengnoupal, and embarking on the Somtal Road — which leads to Somtal, the last Indian village — reality strikes. It is on this serpentine and bumpy road that militants ambushed the Indian Army convoy on June 4 leaving 18 troopers dead.

Since then, this road has been less travelled by civilians. The only vehicles plying are those of the Indian Army and other security forces.

The first Army check post is at Tengnoupal, and as one goes along the hilly road, movement becomes more challenging.

Twenty-two km from Tengnoupal is Larong village, where the Assam Rifles has a check post.

No one, barring Army and security force vehicles, can pass through this check post without taking permission.

“From here, the area becomes dense, sparsely populated and all vehicular movement needs to be checked,” said a Major in the Indian Army.

Another 20-km drive from Larong would take you to Paraolon, the village which has been deserted since the attack. Paraolon is just 2 km from the ambush spot.

At least 10 villagers were witness to the gun-battle that lasted nearly two hours.

Now the site is almost nondescript. There is no Army presence and when Deccan Herald reached the sharp bend where the ambush took place, the charred Indian Army truck was finally craned out.

The broken glass pieces and burnt fuel marks and rocket-propelled grenade shells still hold testimony to how the Army was caught unawares.

“We have heard gunshots, but it’s been years since the area witnessed any bloodshed. There was a time when no one dared to take the Somtal road; the militants had an open run there. For years, we have not received any government assistance,” said Hinjam, a 65-year-old farmer from Dorchang village, 4 km ahead of Paralaon.

Asked about the Look East policy, Hinjam said: “After the ambush, none of the males are being allowed by the Army into the jungles for cultivation or hunting. Only women are allowed to venture out. The government is only interested about the border town of Moreh, not other remote areas. If the government is not present here, then the militants will arrive — that has been the order of the day.”

The United National Liberation Front had, a decade ago, established the “liberated zone” from Moltuh to Somtal, and were frequenting that stretch of Indo-Myanmar border.

The Indian Army had reclaimed the area in 2007 when Operation Somtal was launched.
As we proceeded from the ambush site towards Somtal, some 30 km from Paraolon, the vehicle was stopped and barred from going forward at another Indian Army post.

“The road ahead has dangers. We cannot allow further movement,” said a jawan.
16 June 2015

None turn up at second Bru Relief Camp for Verification

Mizoram officials who began camping at Khakchangpara on Monday to verify displaced Brus who want to return home have found none turning up there either.

By Adam Halliday

Aizawl, Jun 16 : Following zero response in Tripura’s Kaskau relief camp, Mizoram officials who began camping at Khakchangpara on Monday to verify displaced Brus who want to return home have found none turning up there either.

Mamit District Deputy Commissioner Vanlalngaihsaka said no one has turned up at the counter set up by a team of officials led by Additional DC Lalbiaksangi at the Khahchangpara relief camp.

The team will, however, remain there till June 18 as planned.

According to the roadmap prepared for the last and final repatriation process for displaced Bru tribals, anyone who wants to return home to Mizoram has to report at the special counters set up at the camps.

If they pass the verification process (to determine whether or not they lived in Mizoram before 1997), the state government would provide transportation for them to return to the state from Tripura and resettle them in selected villages where they will be allotted land and given compensation packages.

None had turned up during the verification process at Kaskau between June 2 and 4, where more than 1100 inmates are on Mizoram’s electoral rolls (a sign they are likely eligible to be repatriated).

Khakchangpara has about 350 adults whose names are on Mizoram’s electoral rolls.

Tens of thousands of Bru tribals fled Mizoram in 1997 following ethnic violence between them and the majority Mizos following the murder of a Mizo official by Bru militants.

In Manipur militancy hub, Myanmar provides what ‘distant’ India doesn’t

By Esha Roy
manipur militants ambush, indian army militants attack, army myanmar militants attack, Myanmar manipur india border, manipur militants ambush, myanmar militants, manipur naga, Ukhrul district, Chassad manipur, manipur Chassad, manipur militants ambush, india news, nation news Kamjong village on the border; the Myanmarese provide teak, the villagers give them ‘whatever they want’. (Source: Express photo by Deepak Shijagurumayam)

Very little has changed in this corner of Ukhrul district in Manipur. Bordering Myanmar, the group of volatile villages in the district’s Chassad subdivision has for decades been a hub of militant activity. With no fence defining the border, the villages of Chassad, Kamjong, Grihang, Ningchao, Nampisha, Phaikoh, Chrokhurnao and Aishi serve as a thoroughfare for militants as well as villagers.

The link between Ukhrul’s villagers and their Myanmarese counterparts is centuries old. Villagers on both sides engage in a flourishing barter trade. “The trade for us is now mainly of wood — prized Burmese teak. In exchange we give them whatever they need — blankets, sewing machines, bicycles,’’ says Chihanphang Keishing of the Tangkhul Naga village of Kamjong.
Kamjong has historically been a stage for war. During the Second World War, in their attempt to capture India, the Japanese had made Kamjong their Indian headquarters. Chihanphang Keishing’s father, Ringshi Keishing, was a leader in Netaji Bose’s Indian National Army. “My father went to Burma and brought the Japanese. He was their guide to Manipur. He escorted them to Kohima,’’ says Keishing, adding the roads today are only marginally better since that war.

It’s easier to go to Myanmar than to some parts of Manipur. Until recently, the villagers would procure even salt or clothes from the other side of the border. The villages are packed between steep hills and thick forests. An elephant will occasionally stray in from Myanmar and be hunted down by villagers for meat. The treacherous terrain makes the area ideal for insurgent camps, many of these a stone’s throw away on the Myanmar side.

But while this area is predominantly Naga, it’s the Meitei valley’s underground groups that hold sway here, primarily UNLF, while MNRF, the Manipur Naga Revolutionary Front, is the other outfit with a significant presence, thanks to its thriving extortion rackets.

Last year, an ambush at the village of Konkram by UNLF killed two civilians. Aishi, 1.5 km from the Myanmarese village of Molvailuk, is a meeting point for many insurgents and UNLF cadre members are known to visit there frequently to gather information about the Indian Army. In the 2012 Manipur assembly elections, a CRPF convoy was ambushed and attacked by insurgents. “Each of these villages has seen ambushes and attacks. The insurgents have specifically targeted Indian security forces. They have declared that their target is not the Manipur police but if they find Manipur police accompanying the Assam Rifles, they will attack them too,” says a senior government official in Ukhrul.

Two months ago, the Kuki village of Chorokhurnao became a bone of contention between India and Myanmar. Villagers had left several years earlier due to alleged harassment by the Myanmarese army. Two months ago, they came back to resettle but were chased away. The issue is now being resolved through diplomatic channels, says a government official. It is this village that is most frequently used by Meitei underground groups to enter India, attack and then retreat into Myanmar.

Kamjong village authority head S D Thomas says violence aside, Kamjong and its surrounding villages are victims of the conflict. “There is an SDO’s office here but the SDO is never there. There is one small hospital but instead of the sanctioned seven doctors, there are only two. The teachers who are supposed to be posted here have sublet their jobs to locals who may or may not be qualified to teach. The government officials who are posted here never come; they are afraid as this region is a known haven of insurgents,” he says.

Thomas says government schemes such as NREGS and PMGSY rarely take off and, even if they do, the projects are never completed because of the amount paid to militant groups from these schemes as extortion. This is true of the rest of Manipur too but the threat here is more potent, with the militants camped at their doorstep.

“It’s a vicious cycle. Development does not take place here because of the insurgency. But it’s the lack of development and road connectivity that has lent such favourable conditions to the insurgents. And India is so far away. As far as India is concerned, we don’t even exist,” says Thomas.
It’s a similar disenfranchisement with India that has earned sympathy for UG groups in the Kuki village of Phaikoh, close to where the Indian Army retaliation against insurgents took place.

“Electricity came to our village in 2005. We have had three years of electricity since. There are no medical facilities. And there is no pharmacy. We go to Myanmar and buy medicines. We get no rations, no funds for roads or any assistance from the state government. We don’t depend on India at all. We depend on Myanmar,” says Phaikoh “minister” Hemkhoshei.

So when UNLF comes and holds “medical camps’’ in the village, bringing their in-house doctor, or distribute medicines in this malaria-infested area, they are more than welcome. “They talk of development, which is more than our state government has ever done for us,’’adds Hemkhoshei.

The Tortuous Road to Naga Peace

Newly recruited young Naga boys with their automatic weapons during the 33rd Republic Day celebration of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) in Nagaland on March 21, 2012. — File Photo: Ritu Raj Konwar

Newly recruited young Naga boys with their automatic weapons during the 33rd Republic Day celebration of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) in Nagaland on March 21, 2012. — File Photo: Ritu Raj Konwar

The publicity that surrounds the success of India’s ‘cross-border’ strike against rebels in Myanmar cannot hide the fact that the real failure of Indian intelligence was not in predicting the possible spot of the ambush but in anticipating the emergence of a rebel coalition in the jungles of Myanmar

After the June 4 ambush in Manipur that left at least 20 soldiers of the Indian Army’s 6 Dogra Regiment dead when suspected militants ambushed their convoy in Chandel district bordering Myanmar in Manipur, and the retaliatory transborder raid into Myanmar by Indian para-commandos (21 Para-Regiment — Special Forces), on June 9, the attention is back on the long, tortuous and uncertain Naga peace process.
Since the leaders of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isaac-Muivah) (NSCN), Thuingaleng Muivah and Issac Chisi Swu, signed the ceasefire with the H.D. Deve Gowda government in 1997 and started negotiations, the peace talks have gone on and on, with round after round of inconclusive negotiations. There were suggestions recently that a final solution might be in sight and that may have provoked those left out of the process into striking back. But the secrecy shrouding the Naga peace process only complicates it further and makes it difficult to speculate on when there will be an end to India’s longest running ethnic insurrection.
Dialogue and division
The sheer duration of these negotiations does point to the complexities involved in trying to settle the Naga insurgency, but many critics of the Indian decision-making process have also suggested that New Delhi is trying to wear down the rebel leaders in a battle of attrition since the limited tactical advantages of keeping the Naga rebels off the battlefield have been achieved by the ceasefire. Some have also said that the ceasefire and the political dialogue have helped India further divide the Naga rebels, pointing to the talks with the Muivah faction and the refusal to talk with the Khaplang faction despite a ceasefire with his group. That, many would say, is what finally provoked Khaplang, a warlord, to renege on the ceasefire and form the rebel coalition, the United National Liberation Front of West South East Asia (UNLFWSEA), with motley rebel factions like the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) (Independent), the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) (Songjibit) and the KLA (Jibon).
Like Khaplang’s faction, these other groups are splinters of the original movements. Their factional rivals are already talking to India and New Delhi treats them as principals. These rebel chieftains who are holed up in the remote jungles of Myanmar’s Sagaing division are treated as marginals. Khaplang was under pressure for the last few years from New Delhi for providing shelter to these other Northeast Indian rebel groups. Home Ministry mandarins insist that this was a breach of trust on the part of Khaplang. But in the 1990s, former Home Minister L.K. Advani had clearly said that Khaplang is a Myanmarese national and that India cannot negotiate with him. While that is a valid position if one were to go by legalese, how can one expect Khaplang to just maintain a ceasefire when he knows that New Delhi will never call him for talks, let alone treat him as an equal to Muivah and Issac? On the other hand, the Myanmarese Naga rebel leader has seen his Indian Naga comrades break away to form splinter groups with whom India has promptly signed or negotiated a ceasefire. First it was Khole Konyak and Khitovi Zhimomi; now it is Wangting and Thikhak. The first faction calls itself NSCN (K-K), while the second calls itself NSCN (Reformation). These factions may now be offered to accept a deal India may have finalised with the Muivah-Issac group in an attempt to make it look like a settlement with all NSCN factions who represent “Indian Nagas”.
Sending out a message

Khaplang on the warpath again is partly dictated by his urge to end his isolation in the jungles of Myanmar, if only to remind New Delhi that he cannot be ignored — a point he seeks to make by getting together all those in the Northeast who still intend to fight India. His one-time comrades, Wangting and Thikhak, blame Paresh Barua, an activist with ULFA, for “manipulating” Khaplang into reneging on the ceasefire. Barua has steadfastly remained on a separatist course even after the ULFA was decimated in Bangladesh after a crackdown by the Sheikh Hasina government and by periodic desertions. So, though the ULFA of today is not much of a fighting force, its leader emerges as the glue for a rebel coalition in Myanmar’s jungles because of his track record of leading an armed struggle through unending adversity. The other factions which have joined up with Khaplang in UNLFWSEA are also motley groups capable of occasional hits here and there. But it is the “working relations” of UNLFWSEA with the powerful Meitei rebel groups like the United National Liberation Front (UNLF) and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) (who have not joined Khaplang’s coalition) that makes the anti-India platform in Myanmar’s jungles such a worrying proposition for New Delhi. Khaplang’s faction admitted in the post-June 4 ambush press release that the other two Meitei groups, KYKL and KCP, had joined his fighters to pull off the ambush in Chandel.
Missing the big picture

So, the real failure of Indian intelligence was not in predicting the possible spot of the ambush but in anticipating the emergence of a rebel coalition in the jungles of Myanmar. The first step in that direction was taken by Khaplang when he signed a truce with Myanmar’s Thein Sein government, one of the 14 rebel groups in Myanmar to strike a ceasefire deal with it. Having secured that ceasefire, Khaplang has ensured that his bases in Sagaing will be protected from the occasional raids by the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army). Even after the attacks on Indian forces by Khaplang’s fighters in the last two months, the Myanmar government has not broken off the truce with his faction. For the Myanmarese Army which has to battle half-a-dozen powerful home-grown insurgencies at any given point of time, tackling the Kachin or the Kokang guerrillas is a bigger priority, not Khaplang. After the June 9 raid by India, Paresh Barua reiterated that his rebel coalition had “not faced any problems in Myanmar so far”. The second phase of forming that coalition was in extensive negotiations between the constituents. Now, reports about these negotiations have been trickling out of Myanmar off and on. They have been reported in the Northeast Indian media but not picked by the big media guns in faraway Delhi. This is what Indian intelligence seems to have largely missed out. The way the fighters of Khaplang slowly trickled out of their Indian camps in the rundown to the breakdown of the ceasefire was completely missed, despite alerts sounded to Indian intelligence by factional rivals. Then came the actual breakdown of the ceasefire but New Delhi was not concerned because it felt the Myanmarese Naga rebel leader had been isolated and confined to his lair in the jungles of Myanmar. They underestimated his strike power on Indian soil.
The Indian response
The Indian reply after the rebel violence has also been hasty and ill-conceived. The Indian Army was under pressure from top decision makers to hit back immediately, to make a political point of a “strong India which will not tolerate terrorism”. The Indian Army chief, General Dalbir Singh Suhag, was keen on striking back, but after careful planning. Under pressure, all that he could do was to plan two hits on rebel bases on the border or slightly inside it. These locations were chosen not because they had a lot of rebel fighters but because these were rebel bases and could be hit with smaller forces to make a political point that India will go after its enemies. The raids have made much less of an actual impact than was initially suggested by an gung-ho media, joined by a battery of retired soldiers and security officials baying for rebel blood.
The Nagaland Chief Minister, T.R. Zeliang, made a telling point in a recent interview when he said that the Centre has never kept his government in the picture over the breakdown of the ceasefire with Khaplang. Mr. Zeliang said it was possible to have reasoned with Khaplang through Naga civil society against breaking off the ceasefire. After 60 years of brutal conflict, the Nagas have got used to the peace dividend since 1997. Naga civil society groups, which have grown in stature, have ensured that the rebels do not go back to the jungles even if they were upset with the long, unending negotiations with India. Mr. Zeliang thus made a telling point — using the doves of peace to fight the dogs of war. But involving the States in the complex peace negotiations like those with the Naga rebel factions is yet to become a feature of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s “cooperative federalism”. He is yet to get over the hush-hush hangover of his Congress predecessors when it comes to peacemaking with underground rebel groups. As the leaks after the transborder raids into Myanmar seem to indicate, the government is keen on greater secrecy in peacemaking than in war-making.
(Subir Bhaumik, a former BBC Correspondent, is the author of the books on the Northeast, Insurgent Crossfire and Troubled Periphery.)
15 June 2015

Talks With UPF Militant Groups Upgraded To Political Level: Mizoram CM Zoramthanga


Aizawl, Jun 15
: With the signing of ceasefire between the centre and the eight Mizo insurgent groups under the banner of United People's Front (UPF) on Tuesday last, the talks with the groups was ungraded to political level from official level, according to former Mizoram chief minister Zoramthanga.

Zoramthanga, who was present in Delhi during the signing of the Suspension of Operations (SoO) told PTI here today that delays in peace talks between the centre and the ethnic Mizo militant groups was harming mutual trusts between the two sides.

"Years have passed after signing SoO earlier, but without any formal parleys," he said, adding that the groups did not sign SoO during the last nine months making the situation explosive in the north east", he said.

The former revolutionary leader said that he helped in brokering peace between the groups and the government of India without actually participating in the talks.

He said that his main role was to create mutual trust between the groups and the centre, lacking due to prolonged hostilities between the two sides.

"I did not want to be called as interlocutor or as any official mediator as my main role was to build mutual trust between the two sides," he said.

The UPF constituents were the Kuki National Front (KNF), Zomi Revolutionary Army (ZRO), Kuki Revolutionary Army (United), Zomi Defence Force (ZDF), United Kuki Liberation Front (UKLF), Kuki Revolutionary Front (KRF), Zomi Defence Volunteers (ZDV) and Hmar People's Convention (Democrats), he said.

The militant groups headed by UPF chairman S T Thangboi were represented by leaders of the groups while the centre was represented by Ministry of Home Affairs officials headed by Sambhu Singh, joint secretary (north east) of the MHA.

Earlier, Zoramthanga, went to Myanmar and Bangkok two times to broker peace between the Myanmar government and 17 ethnic-based insurgent groups in that country.

UID: The Runaway Families of Mizoram

The Mizos of Tamu went out of their way, the group says, to ensure they were not jailed and a formal case was not registered. It helped that the elected representative of Tamu was, till his recent demise, a Mizo. The local Mizos also bargained with the authorities to be allowed to feed the detained group

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By the late 1980s, Tlangsam, a village of around 400 families, had come to be known as the home of the religious sect ‘God’s Church’ that feared a giant rock would roll down from the east and cause great destruction (Source: Express photo by Adam Halliday)

By Adam Halliday
UID number was that of the anti-Christ, they thought, and a war and an unexplained darkness were coming. 19 people from Mizoram set off on a 200-km trek across mountains to Myanmar, fuelled by this faith rather than reason — and found love at the end. ADAM HALLIDAY retraces the journey. Photographs by ADAM HALLIDAY

The district
A 3,185 sq km district with a population of around 1 lakh, Champhai has a special place in Mizoram. It is said the history of Mizos starts from Champhai and ends in Champhai. The town is also a fast developing venue on the Indo-Myanmar border. The World Bank is currently financing the building of a four-lane highway between the border village and Champhai town.

A problem
A UIDAI drive is currently on in Champhai district. The 19 — members of one extended family — belong to Tlangsam village of the district. An official said members of ‘God’s Church’ sect of Tlangsam have largely refused to be enrolled. An earlier round had been able to enroll just over 38% of the district’s population and left out as many as 30 villages.

The trek
The Chin Hills of Myanmar, which the group wandered through, is an area of ridges and deep river gorges similar to the hills of Mizoram or Nagaland, only higher in elevation at between 2,000 and 3,000 metres above sea level. Much of the region is thickly forested. Any kind of road winds around these ridges. The 19 largely stayed off roads.

They left after day had given way to night, a small band of 19 men, women and children looking east for refuge, from what they feared was an impending doom.

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Maduhlaia plays with Rammawii’s children (Source: Express photo by Adam Halliday)


They knew not what cloak doom would don or when it would arrive, but the scanning of eyes for the Aadhaar scheme, they apprehended, was the start. So they fled. Urgently. Secretly. In silence. Convinced their destination would be revealed to them.

It was on March 15 that they left their village Tlangsam, trekking and taking lifts over dense forests and mountains to cover, as the crowflies, 200 km. It was on June 3 that they were returned home — escorted by Myanmarese authorities.

Last week, this was the Myanmar story you didn’t hear about.

R L Hmachhuana, who is in his early 50s, was once part of the same religious sect as the 19 in Tlangsam, a village that borders Myanmar. A decade ago, he parted ways.

But while mainstream Church organisations in Mizoram have been saying for years that the UID (the Unique Identification Authority of India scheme) is not something to be feared, Hmachhuana isn’t surprised his children and sister, their families and the others left like they did.

“In all of history, there has never been an identification project for citizens that is linked with the power to buy and sell. UID is the only one where your entitlements like rations and everything else are linked to your number, just like the prophecy says of the anti-Christ’s number,” he says.

myanmar, myanmar strike, Army’s Myanmar strike, Myanmar cross-border strike, Myanmar ops, Champhai, Mizoram, Mizoram myanmar, Chin Hills of Myanmar, Mizoram Nagaland, Myanmarese authorities, india news, nation news, news Two of the children who went on the trek back home (Source: Express photo by Adam Halliday) “Some people argue that the Bible says the number will be on the forehead, but the original Greek word means the upper portion of a human face,” Hmachhuana adds, referring to the iris scan under UID. “That includes the eyes.”

Hmachhuana’s sister Lawmzuali lives with her son in a house about 10 minutes away on foot, beside the main road that enters Tlangsam.

“We felt a calling in our hearts that we must flee. We feared the coming of the darkness and the foretold troubles, and we left. It was not particularly the UID, but a combination of all the signs of the end of days,” she says.

The group included her husband, a 70-year-old man who had suffered a stroke and who sometimes could not recognise family members, as well as Hmachhuana’s daughter Rammawii with her three-year-old son, his sons with their families including three children, a close family friend and one pregnant woman.

They carried a change of clothes and food that was only enough to tide them over a couple of days.
At the head of the group was Lawmzuali, 50, who was entrusted with their entire savings of Rs 3,000.
In the beginning was Lalzawna. An erstwhile member of the Mizo National Front, he moved with the front into East Pakistan in the early years, and then to Myanmar’s Arakan region. In 1971, he claimed to have “received” a message that said, “You will take part in a boat race, but your boat will be different from the boats that others row.”

myanmar, myanmar strike, Army’s Myanmar strike, Myanmar cross-border strike, Myanmar ops, Champhai, Mizoram, Mizoram myanmar, Chin Hills of Myanmar, Mizoram Nagaland, Myanmarese authorities, india news, nation news, news “We felt a calling in our hearts that we must flee. We feared the coming of the foretold troubles,” says Lawmzuali. The 50-year-old led the group and was entrusted with their entire savings of Rs 3,000 (Source: Express photo by Adam Halliday) Eight years later, he began preaching a message of “cleansing the flesh” in the insurgent camps. He returned to Mizoram soon after and began travelling to spread  his beliefs.

By 1984, he had moved with followers into Tlangsam and established the ‘God’s Church’ sect. Some say Lalzawna’s followers numbered more than 400 families and swamped the 50-odd families who made up the original residents.

Soon Tlangsam came to be known locally as the home of the religious sect that feared a giant rock would roll down from the east and cause great destruction.

Hmachhuana again has an explanation. He had left his hometown Kolasib near Assam to join the ‘God’s Church’ but abandoned it a decade ago with his kin apparently due to “administrative problems”.

Hmachhuana, who makes a living as a carpenter and farmer and who occasionally works at a saw mill in his yard, says he and his kin still continue to believe they are the descendants of Ephraim, the patriarch of the 10th tribe of Israel.

They also believe in the likelihood of a fierce war between the armies of the east and west. Sitting in his tin-roofed wooden house, Hmachhuana interprets the same as a war between the armies of China and India, with Mizoram emerging as an independent country.

They see as well the coming of an unexplained “darkness” that would destroy and create a new land, and UID as the number of the Biblical anti-Christ that all “doomed humans” would sport either on their forehead or right wrists.

The group of 19 headed for the Tiau river first when they left home around 7 pm on March 15. The river, which in some places is no more than a wide stream, serves as the international border with Myanmar, with no fencing along it. When they got tired, they rested in the wilderness near Khawzim, a border village.

The next morning, they say, they just waded across the Tiau into Myanmar. And then walked further in to Tuidil village. When night fell, they slept on the village’s outskirts, in a small abandoned hut.
myanmar, myanmar strike, Army’s Myanmar strike, Myanmar cross-border strike, Myanmar ops, Champhai, Mizoram, Mizoram myanmar, Chin Hills of Myanmar, Mizoram Nagaland, Myanmarese authorities, india news, nation news, news Hmachhuana, whose children, grandkids made the trek, is clear the Bible links eyes to anti-Christ’s number (Source: Express photo by Adam Halliday)

It had been just two days, but their food supply was already running out. Worried for the first time, they also realised the money on them might prove inadequate. Hmachhuana’s dog, a large mongrel, had followed the group from Tlangsam, refusing to be shooed away. At Tuidil, they sold it for the equivalent of 2,000 Indian rupees.

By then Lawmzuali’s husband Zonghinglova, the oldest in the group, had begun showing signs of weariness. When he fell ill, the young men took turns carrying him on their backs. Lawmzuali remembers he resisted this forcefully.

Zonghinglova had initially been sprightly, “the one most excited” about the journey, she adds. “After a few days, he started feeling weak. But he would keep saying he felt weaker when anyone carried him, and insisted on walking.”

From Tuidil they kept going and reached Lentlang, proceeding onwards to Laitui. Now approximately 22 km from the border, they said, they reached a settlement of largely ethnic Mizos.
Lawmzuali admits they didn’t know where they were going, or had any idea of the terrain they were crossing. The Chin Hills of Myanmar, where the group would continue to wander about, is an area of ridges and deep river gorges similar to the hills of Mizoram or Nagaland but higher in elevation, between 2,000 and 3,000 metres above sea level.

Much of the region is thickly forested. Any kind of road winds around these ridges. The 19 rarely took one.

They pressed on, they say, in the belief that a supernatural presence “would show them the way”.
“Once we found ourselves at a fork in the road. Maduhlaia, who was walking in the front, turned around and called to me, ‘Aunty, which way are we supposed to go?’. So I told him, ‘You go wherever it seems suitable’. I prayed, and after I was done praying, he had made up his mind and said, ‘I’m going this way!’. And so we all went,”  Lawmzuali says.

Just before they reached Laitui in the Chin region, a band of Myanmarese traders offered them a lift. The women, children and the elderly got on. The eight young men kept walking, and the group reunited at Run. They made a halt a little distance from the small town, sleeping in the open.
As they resumed their journey the next day and headed towards Falam township more than 40 km to the south, a truck came by and the driver asked if they wanted a ride. “So we all got on. The driver asked us where we were going, and I asked him in return which way he was going. He said Tahan. So I said we’re also going to Tahan,” says Rammawii, Hmachhuana’s daughter.

The group isn’t clear what route they took from Tahan, knowing little about the towns and villages they crossed on foot.

Around three days later, they found themselves close to the international border where Manipur meets Myanmar. By now they had ventured roughly 200 km from home. Some men — the group suspects they may have been Manipuri or Naga rebels based in Myanmar — told them the area was unsafe and took them to a village populated by the Thado community. They believe it was called Usu, located anything between 10 and 15 km from Tamu town, the site of an official Indo-Myanmar border crossing.

The story of the incredible journey was about to draw to a close.

The Mizos living in Tamu heard about a group from Mizoram being found in the area, and went to get them. Soon the news spread, and Myanmar police and immigration officials descended on Tamu to interrogate the 19 about out where they had come from and why.

The group was interrogated for an entire night, and then put under a sort of house arrest. The 19 say the building seemed to be a school. By then, a week had passed since they had fled Tlangsam.
The Mizos of Tamu went out of their way, the group says, to ensure they were not jailed and a formal case was not registered. It helped that the elected representative of Tamu was, till his recent demise, a Mizo. The local Mizos also bargained with the authorities to be allowed to feed the detained group.
However, there was a little trouble soon. “It was warm and the children drank a lot of water. Us, too. We kept needing to relieve ourselves, and we kept dispersing since we weren’t locked up. The guards would tell us to stay put but we didn’t understand their language,” giggles Rammawii.

The group was next put in two lock-ups, women and children in one, men in the other, separated by a thin wall — a large holding area they describe as about 50 ft by 20 ft each, also holding locals detained for petty crimes. “Wide enough for the children to race around in, which they did all the time,” says Rammawii.

On the afternoon of March 27, V L Chama Hnamte, president of the Champhai district sub-headquarters of the Young Mizo Association, was working on some child abuse related cases (he is also the chairman of the district’s child protection committee) in Champhai town when he received a call from an unfamiliar number. Champhai is sprawled on a Mizoram hill just across a vast stretch of picturesque rice fields from Tlangsam, and the Young Mizo Association is the state’s largest community-based organisation.

The caller identified himself as Lalchatuana, leader of the Tamu Mizo Thalai Pawl, a youth group of Tamu Mizos. As V L Chama listened with increasing amazement, Lalchatuana told him about the group of Mizos from Tlangsam who had found their way into Tamu and been detained by police and immigration officials. Lalchatuana said they were trying to secure their release and were making sure they received adequate food.

A large, energetic man, V L Chama immediately made his way to Tlangsam and located Hmachhuana. The man with answers to most questions told V L Chama he too had just come to know of his relatives being detained in Myanmar, and had no idea what to do.

“He told me he was surprised the group had reached that far, that he had assumed they would live in the forest along the international border and come back after they had got over their fears,” says V L Chama.

Back at Tamu, the detention of the 19 continued. But the group’s memories of this time are of kindness, not hardship.

A police officer they named the “lord” because he had three stars on his uniform and was evidently the highest-ranking officer there took “very good care of us”, says Lawmzuali. “Every day he would come to the cell and have the children examined for any kind of fever or illness. He was especially mindful of the pregnant woman among us. He made sure she got soup regularly, and got her examined very often.”

The Mizos of Tamu also kept up a steady stream of food supplies, including rice, vegetables and, at least once a week, meat. The food was prepared by the cook on orders from the “lord”.

The officer also made sure that enough water was kept in the cells, though that led to a minor problem. As the days and nights were warm, the 19 would often sneak out for a quick bath even at night. The officer cut down their water supply after that, telling them through a translator that the children would fall sick if they continued.

Some Mizos would visit them almost daily, buying them cigarettes from nearby shops and passing these along with the help of guards. “Very often the guards themselves would come to check on us,” says Rammawii.

She christened one of the guards, an officer with a star on his uniform, “Boxer” because, as she recalls, he punched several of his juniors after some inmates complained of verbal abuse.
Around the end of May, Lawmzuali’s husband Zonghinglova’s condition got worse. A doctor diagnosed internal bleeding and he was kept in the infirmary. His wife was allowed to tend to him.
On May 22 night, he passed away.

Lawmzuali says she won’t forget what followed. “I and my relatives, the Tamu Mizos, the guards and even the ‘lord’ gathered around the body and we put on gloves and masks and cleaned him up. I thought to myself, ‘He is my husband’, and I took off the gloves and touched him with my bare hands. When the ‘lord’ saw that, he also took off his gloves and helped me get him into new cloths for the burial.”

A CD containing video clips of the funeral and burial, given to the group by the Tamu Mizos, shows the ceremony, with the group gathering around the coffin and the guards and other officials looking distraught.

A convoy of 10-odd SUVs emblazoned with official symbols acted as the funeral party as the coffin was transported to a Mizo cemetery some distance away. Several officials can be seen in the funeral video. Lawmzuali remembers one as the town’s administrative head and another as the widow of Tahan legislator D Thangliana.

Lawmzuali recalls the officials telling her later, “As is your community’s custom, you will one day wish to return and erect a headstone on your husband’s grave. We will host you as family.”
V L Chama had kept in touch with Lalchatuana since that March 27 call. On May 23, he received another call from across the border. The Tlangsam group had been released, he was told, and they would be coming home soon.

On June 3 at 7 am, they arrived with an escort of Myanmar officials and police and four Mizo leaders at the border crossing near Zokhawthar village. V L Chama and his colleagues along with Champhai District Deputy Commissioner H Lalengmawia were there to receive them.

“I am truly amazed the Mizos of Myanmar did everything they could to get these people back home. An international border might separate us but Mizos this side and that are bonded by the spirit of Tlawmngaihna,” Lalengmawia said, receiving the group, referring to the traditional Mizo code that puts the community above individuals.

Says V L Chama, “I have been asking myself how we would treat a group of Myanmar nationals if they found themselves in the same situation… What the Tamu Mizos told me more than once was how surprised they were that the authorities did not even register a formal case, simply detained (the 19) in a lock-up. They said that was unprecedented.”

By the evening of June 3, the group was back in Tlangsam.

Since then, the children have gone back to school, while the adults are again working in their fields or at Hmachhuana’s small saw mill.

At her son’s home in Tlangsam, where she lives, Lawmzuali stares out the window as she contemplates the events of the past three months.

After a silence of a few minutes, she says, “I buried my husband there. Maybe we were heading for the place of his death and his grave all along. He was the most excited among us about the journey. It must have been God’s will. My heart is at peace.”

Last Chance For Brus, Slipping Away

The process of repatriation of displaced Bru tribals from Tripura to Mizoram that began in 2010 is set to be wound up. But like earlier attempts, this phase too has seen little success.

Bru tribals, Mizoram, Bru National Liberation Front, BNLF militants, Mizoram Police, bru tripura, india news, indian express news Displaced Bru tribals return home to Mizoram from relief camps in Tripura during the 2013 repatriation process.

By Adam Halliday

When and why were the Bru tribals of Mizoram displaced?
On October 21, 1997, militants of the Bru National Liberation Front (BNLF) murdered a forest official in Mizoram, triggering a wave of retaliatory ethnic violence from the Mizos. The Bru National Union or BNU, then the tribe’s apex political body which was demanding an autonomous tribal district, claimed 1,391 Bru houses in 41 villages were burned down and several people were raped and killed. Mizoram Police put the number of homes torched at 325 in 16 villages, and confirmed no rape or murders. Over 30,000 Brus fled to six relief camps in Tripura — Bru leaders blamed the violence, but the official and unofficial narrative in Mizoram remains that the tribals were instigated by the BNLF and BNU. The refugees lived on rations, with few avenues of employment, education and health facilities, and no entitlement to agricultural or other land.

When did the repatriation process of the displaced tribals begin?
For years, Tripura pushed Mizoram to resettle the displaced tribals. The repatriation process began in 2010, and has been monitored and financed by the union Home Ministry. Displaced Bru families willing to return have been identified and, after verified as having lived in Mizoram before 1997, handed rehabilitation packages, and resettled in the villages they had left. Where that was impossible, they were put in the nearest settlement — or at least, within the same assembly constituency.
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How successful has the process been?
In November 2009, Bru militants killed a Mizo teenager at Bungthuam village just across the river from Tripura, in an act that was officially seen as an attempt to derail the planned repatriation. Fresh ethnic violence followed, and scores of Bru families fled Mizoram. When the repatriation process did start, however, among the first to return was Elvis Chorkhy, then the tallest leader among relief-camp Brus, who has, along with other leaders, assisted Mizoram in the process ever since. However, despite six formal phases of repatriation having been completed, fewer than 700 of the roughly 5,500 families believed to live in the camps have returned. This is because relief camp leaders have consistently opposed the process — sometimes by organising dharnas and roadblocks — demanding a bigger rehabilitation package and changes in resettlement provisions, and arguing that some of those who have returned have not got the land they were promised. Fears have been expressed for returnees’ security — even though, despite occasional tensions, there has been no violence. Significantly, over 1,000 families have left the camps on their own.
Why is the current repatriation process especially significant?
Mizo groups have been upset over the perceived negative publicity the Bru issue has brought. Matters came to a head before last year’s Lok Sabha elections — more than 11,000 Brus have voting rights in Mizoram, even though, Mizo groups allege, they have refused to return. A statewide bandh was called in April 2014, which helped speed up matters. In January 2015, the Home Ministry, Tripura and Mizoram agreed to a final round of repatriation, with the condition that any Brus who still refused to return would be removed from Mizoram’s electoral rolls, and rations and relief to them would be stopped. A roadmap was prepared, which was accepted by the Social Justice Bench of the Supreme Court, which is hearing a bunch of petitions related to the case. The final repatriation process began on June 2.

Where does the repatriation process stand at the moment?
Mizoram officials set up counters in Kaskau relief camp — the camp closest to Mizoram — and invited any Brus wanting to return home to come for verification. The officials waited three days, but no one turned up. The Mizoram government has said officials will now visit the Khakchangpara relief camp from June 15, and then move forward, camp by camp.

Why is the Bru repatriation experience significant?
It probably shows the difference in the ways different displaced populations are treated in India. Several other Northeast tribal groups fleeing ethnic violence have escaped being confined to relief camps, and the displaced Brus have been seeking relief on par with Kashmiri Pandits and the Sri Lankan Tamils refugees. The Brus have been in their camps for a generation, but their story remains unknown in most of India. The halting repatriation process has lessons for the handling of possible future displacement crises and resettlement efforts.