By Satarupa Bhattacharjya and Frank Jack Daniel
MOREH, India - As dusk falls on a lonely police station in the eastern tip
of India, a young policeman nervously keeps an eye on the Arakan hills
above him, dotted with poppy fields.
Just 22 bumpy miles from the
capital of Manipur, he and his colleagues are outnumbered by gunmen from
a faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland, one of half a
dozen insurgent groups operating near India's border with Myanmar.
Last year, six policemen were killed a few miles away in an ambush authorities blamed on them.
Small
groups of men with machetes on their belts can be seen in the winter
twilight, openly climbing steep paths through the poppy fields, where
valuable seed heads will later be harvested and taken to Myanmar for
processing into heroin.
"There are
many poppy fields in the hills here," the policeman said in a hushed
voice, refusing to give his name to Reuters for fear of reprisals from
the men he said were armed rebels patrolling the fields above his
office. Growers will either sell the seed heads to agents or openly in
the local market , he said.
Opium
and insurgency can make for a profitable if exotic business model, but
it is not what India had in mind when it launched its "Look East" policy
20 years ago to link its markets to those of booming Southeast Asia.
Now
as resource-rich Myanmar emerges from decades of isolation under
military rule, India should be a natural partner, with ties stretching
back to 3rd Century BC Buddhist emperor Ashoka and, more recently, a
shared experience of British colonialism and World War Two.
BRIDGE TO SOUTHEAST ASIA
"Myanmar
is India's only bridge to Southeast Asia," Myo Myint, Myanmar's deputy
foreign minister, told Reuters last week at a meeting of Southeast Asian
diplomats in New Delhi to look at ways to speed up road, rail and
telecoms connections with India. "India needs to come forward with
assistance."
Myanmar sits at
Asia's crossroads, sharing a western border with India, and a northern
one with China. Thailand is its neighbour to the east and the Malacca
Strait is on its southern flank.
The
country of nearly 60 million people has emerged from a half-century of
military rule and is courting the West while trying to wean itself from
dependency on China for trade and investment. But despite a recent
flurry of high-level visits between the two countries, India appears
ill-placed on the ground to exploit Myanmar's opening.
Reuters
journalists on a recent trip to the Myanmar-India border in Manipur
found a region where rebel groups deeply influence politics and
business. Opium poppies are grown openly. Cross-border gun-running
remains big business.
Manipur and
the three other Indian states sharing the 1,640- km (1,020-mile) border
with Myanmar were supposed to be India's "Gateway to the East". Instead,
the area has become India's Wild East.
Legal
trade on the border has dwindled in the last five years to just 0.15
percent of total commerce between Myanmar and India. Checkpoints by
security forces and rebel group supporters make the 120 km (75 mile)
journey along rutted Highway 102 through the hills from Manipur's
capital Imphal to Moreh on the border a painstakingly slow -- and
expensive, too, from the "taxes" they impose on traffic.
NO CRIME HERE
The
sleepy border town of Moreh had dreams of being a major international
trading centre, a key station on the ambitious Trans-Asia Railway that
will enable containers from East and Southeast Asia to travel overland
across India to Europe.
But work on
the $900 million, 125 km (77 mile) stretch of the railway is already
two years behind schedule and has only progressed a short distance.
Costs are soaring.
At first glance,
Moreh seems to be a quiet bazaar of traditional wooden stilt houses,
frontier hotels and stores where Myanmarese Buddhist monks and
tribespeople in traditional dress and sandal-paste painted faces mingle
with traders from across India.
The town of 15,000 people has one bank.
"There
is no crime here," acting police chief Akbar Hussein said, chewing on a
lump of betel nut at his outdoor desk. "There was only one case
registered this month, and that was a road accident."
Opened
in 1995 to great fanfare, the Moreh crossing was supposed to be a major
trading post by now. Only some small-scale merchants conduct legal
trade. Much of that is on a barter system, exchanging flour and soy
products for betel, a mild stimulant popular in India.
Despite
the police chief's boast, Moreh is a major smuggling centre where
outlaws move around freely. Heroin from the Golden Triangle, guns and
gem stones go westward; raw opium, tiger bones and rhino horn move east.
"Since
1995, nothing substantial has taken place. The border area is like a
17th-century tribal village," said N. Mohindro, an expert on trade in
the state. "It's all about drugs and guns. People can make money so
easily."
Some of this business is
in the hands of Indian insurgents who run their operations from the
Myanmar side of the border. Several of Myanmar's own rebel groups are
also based in the area.
A U.S.
diplomatic cable from 2006 released by Wikileaks described local
politicians either in league with the rebels or supporting them for
financial reasons.
Local residents
say security forces are also deeply involved in trafficking but a
senior officer of the police intelligence branch in Imphal denies that.
"The
dense forest cover in this open border region is a nightmare for us,"
the officer said," the officer said of an unfenced 63 mile stretch
running from Moreh, adding that "the easy availability of weapons inside
Myanmar has worsened the situation".
IMAGINARY ROAD
It
wasn't always this way. Until the early 1990s, Myanmarese flocked
across the border to buy Indian-made consumer goods. But as China's
workshops cranked up and offered cheaper, more durable products, the
market shifted to the other side of the fence.
Now,
traders from Imphal endure the serpentine journey along bumpy Highway
102 and its checkpoint shakedowns to visit the Namphalong bazaar on the
Myanmar side of the Moreh border gate.
Their
pick-up trucks are piled high with Chinese mattresses, refrigerators
and TVs to sell back in India, returning along the same road that
brought Japanese troops in World War Two through then Burma in an
attempt to invade India. The trip from the border to Imphal carrying
such contraband can involve payoffs along the way amounting to several
hundred dollars.
Highway 102 was
supposed to be part of a road network linking up with Mandalay,
Myanmar's main city in the North, and on into Thailand. But the only
notable improvement on the Indian side is a short patch running through
the Manipur chief minister's home town.
"People
had plans to open eateries, motels and shops along the Asian highway.
Now, the trans-national road is imaginary. It does not exist here," said
Lunminthang Haokip, a senior state government official for Moreh's
Chandel district. "The Look East policy is no more than power-point
presentations in Delhi."
The
complaint is voiced often here by residents in Manipur who have suffered
decades of rights abuses under draconian emergency powers including
"shoot-to-kill" orders aimed at curtailing the insurgencies.
Residents
say New Delhi acts like a colonial power, with much of its mistrust of
the region stemming from its relative proximity to China.
"The
overwhelming presence of military, paramilitary and police officers
contributed to the impression that Imphal was under military
occupation," the U.S. embassy cable said. "The Indian civil servants
were also clearly frustrated with their inability to stem the growing
violence and anarchy in the state, feeling their efforts to effectively
control the insurgencies was hamstrung by local politicians either in
league with or at least through corruption, helping to finance the
insurgents."
India, which fought a
border war in 1962 with China, has watched with mounting concern as
Beijing steadily increases its influence around the rim of the Indian
Ocean.
"You can't leave the whole
region under an iron curtain just because they look Chinese," said
rights activist Babloo Loitongbam, in a restaurant left dark by one of
the chronic power cuts in Imphal. "You have to constantly prove you are
not anti-national.
Ten years ago
India's foreign minister proposed reopening a World War Two highway to
the north of Manipur called the Stilwell Road, which connects India's
far eastern region, known as the Northeast, with Myanmar and China.
Worried
that the road risked strengthening China's influence and the flow of
militants and arms to the region, India dragged its feet and Myanmar
turned to China's Yunnan Construction Engineering Group instead. India
also missed out on the natural gas from two fields in Myanmar it has a
stake in, when the government chose to pipe it to China.
During
long years of self-imposed isolation, Myanmar's only major economic
partner was China. India realised in the 1990s that Chinese investment
in Myanmar's military and infrastructure was giving Beijing a strategic
advantage in a nation that borders five countries, straddles busy Bay of
Bengal shipping lanes and has large oil and gas reserves.
New
Delhi quietly dropped its backing for the opposition party of Nobel
peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who went to school and university in
India.
Ties have strengthened
since then, with President Thein Sein just the latest of Myanmar's
leaders to call on New Delhi on a visit to India last year.
Rajiv
Bhatia, who was India's ambassador to Myanmar until 2005. says India is
still more concerned with its South Asian neighbours, including
Bangladesh and Pakistan, and could miss the moment.
"In
pure geopolitical terms, Myanmar is hugely important to India. We are
now getting a historic opportunity to recover our relationship," he
said. " But it is still not a priority for our politicians."
(Editing by John Chalmers and Bill Tarrant)